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  • ✇National Herald
  • Fire and patience: How V.D. Satheesan fought through Kerala’s political maze K.A. Shaji
    There was a time when Kerala’s political class feared uttering the words “lottery mafia” too loudly. The network was believed to be too wealthy, too politically connected and too deeply embedded within the system. By the mid-2000s, the interstate lottery business had grown into one of Kerala’s most shadowy underground economies, thriving on desperation, poverty and false hope. Daily wage earners across villages, coastal settlements and working-class neighbourhoods spent precious earnings on lott
     

Fire and patience: How V.D. Satheesan fought through Kerala’s political maze

14 May 2026 at 13:49

There was a time when Kerala’s political class feared uttering the words “lottery mafia” too loudly. The network was believed to be too wealthy, too politically connected and too deeply embedded within the system. By the mid-2000s, the interstate lottery business had grown into one of Kerala’s most shadowy underground economies, thriving on desperation, poverty and false hope.

Daily wage earners across villages, coastal settlements and working-class neighbourhoods spent precious earnings on lottery tickets sold through sprawling networks that critics alleged operated beyond effective regulation.

Allegations surfaced about fake Bhutan lottery tickets, forged printing systems, benami operations, tax evasion and money laundering linked to Tamil Nadu-based lottery baron Santiago Martin. Politicians spoke privately about the syndicate’s influence over sections of politics, media and the state machinery, but few were willing to confront it openly.

It was during this period that a young Congress MLA from Paravur, V.D. Satheesan, began relentlessly pursuing the issue inside the Kerala Assembly. Armed with documents, financial records and painstakingly collected evidence, Satheesan transformed what many considered a politically dangerous subject into one of Kerala’s defining public confrontations.

He alleged that the lottery business had evolved into an organised exploitation racket that preyed upon the poor while corrupting public institutions. He demanded investigations into fake Bhutan lottery operations, questioned the legality of interstate lottery mechanisms and repeatedly highlighted the nexus between business interests and politics.

Unexpectedly, Satheesan found an unlikely ally in Kerala’s then chief minister, V.S. Achuthanandan. Though ideological warmth across political lines was rare in Kerala, the veteran Marxist appeared to recognise in the young Congress legislator a seriousness that transcended party divisions.

Achuthanandan, who had built his own political career fighting entrenched interests, understood that Satheesan was not merely performing outrage for television cameras. He genuinely believed the lottery network represented a dangerous political and financial menace.

The relationship between the two remained politically adversarial, yet marked by unmistakable respect. Achuthanandan had already initiated strong action against illegal interstate lottery operations and supported investigations into alleged irregularities involving Bhutan lotteries and forged tickets. Satheesan’s interventions strengthened that campaign.

Political observers at the time described the anti-lottery movement as a rare bipartisan moral confrontation against organised financial exploitation — an unusual moment in Kerala’s deeply polarised political culture, where a communist chief minister and a Congress opposition MLA effectively reinforced each other’s battle.

#WATCH | Thiruvananthapuram: On KC Venugopal and Ramesh Chennithala, VD Satheesan, after being named Keralam CM, says, "Both are my leaders and my seniors. I'm junior to them. They have helped a lot with this wonderful victory. As a General Secretary Organisation, he helped a lot… pic.twitter.com/s4ni63RlL0

— ANI (@ANI) May 14, 2026

That confrontation altered Satheesan’s political trajectory permanently.

It transformed him from a promising legislator into one of Kerala’s most respected political figures, a leader whose credibility rested not merely on rhetoric but on preparation, persistence and legislative rigour.

Today, as Satheesan joins the ranks of Kerala chief ministers alongside leaders such as E.M.S. Namboodiripad, C. Achutha Menon, E.K. Nayanar, K. Karunakaran, Oommen Chandy and Achuthanandan himself, what distinguishes his journey is the absence of inevitability.

His rise did not follow the familiar route of dynastic inheritance, factional entitlement or organisational patronage. For years, Kerala politics described his career using the Malayalam expression 'between cup and lip', because power repeatedly appeared within reach only to slip away at the final moment.

To understand Satheesan’s political personality, one must return to the social and emotional landscape of his childhood. Born in 1964 in Nettoor near Kochi, he grew up in a middle-class family shaped by discipline, modesty and the values of education. His father worked in the public sector, while the family remained deeply connected to ordinary Kerala life, where social mobility depended heavily upon education, reading and hard work.

Unlike many future politicians who inherited visible political capital from influential families, Satheesan grew up without the aura of political privilege. What his upbringing offered instead was seriousness and aspiration.

Friends and contemporaries remember him as intensely curious, observant and deeply drawn to reading. He was interested not merely in electoral politics but in ideas themselves. Literature, constitutional debates, economics, political history and social theory attracted him early. That intellectual curiosity later became one of the defining characteristics of his public life. Even ideological rivals would eventually admit that Satheesan rarely entered a debate without studying every possible dimension of an issue.

His educational journey reflected that temperament. He studied at Sacred Heart College, Thevara, before pursuing a Master’s degree in Social Work from Rajagiri College. Later, he studied law and practised in the Kerala High Court.

The combination of social work training and legal education shaped his political approach significantly. Social work exposed him to questions of inequality, marginalisation and public policy, while legal training sharpened his argumentative precision and documentary discipline. Together, they produced a politician capable of combining emotional politics with constitutional and legal clarity.

Politics entered his life through student activism rather than privilege. During his years in the Kerala Students Union and later the NSUI, Satheesan developed a reputation not only as a fiery activist but also as a meticulous organiser. He became chairman of the Mahatma Gandhi University Union during 1986-87 and gradually emerged as one of the articulate young faces of Congress student politics in Kerala.

#WATCH | Thiruvananthapuram | State Police Chief Ravada Azad Chandrasekhar and Law & Order ADGP H Venkatesh, along with other senior police officials, arrived at Contonment House and met Chief Minister designate VD Satheesan,

(Source: VD Satheesan Office) pic.twitter.com/yOhHUj2Ctg

— ANI (@ANI) May 14, 2026

Those years shaped traits that still define him. One was discipline. Another was democratic instinct. Satheesan never evolved into the feudal-style Congress politician insulated by sycophancy and distance. Party workers often speak of his accessibility. Young leaders could disagree with him. Journalists could question him sharply. Grassroots workers could approach him directly.

Yet behind that accessibility lay strict expectations regarding preparation, seriousness and organisational discipline. He demanded hard work not only from himself but from those around him.

His personal life too remained relatively grounded despite his political ascent. Those close to him describe a family-oriented man deeply attached to his wife and daughter, someone who maintained emotional balance even during turbulent political phases. Friends often remark that his family environment helped preserve stability in a profession marked by insecurity, betrayal and exhaustion.

Unlike several Kerala politicians who consciously cultivate flamboyance, Satheesan’s public style remained restrained and understated.

Interestingly, his electoral journey began with defeat. He first contested from Paravur in 1996 and lost. But the setback neither embittered nor discouraged him. Five years later, he returned stronger, winning the constituency and eventually transforming it into one of the Congress party’s safest strongholds.

Across six consecutive victories, Satheesan steadily built the image of perhaps Kerala’s most research-driven MLA. His Assembly speeches drew attention not merely because they were aggressive but because they were layered with data, audit references, documentary evidence and legal scrutiny. He possessed a rare ability to simplify highly technical subjects for ordinary public understanding.

His interventions covered some of Kerala’s most difficult public questions. He repeatedly raised the suffering of Endosulfan victims in Kasaragod, foregrounding human tragedy rather than administrative language. He intervened forcefully on coastal erosion, fisherfolk rehabilitation, wetland destruction and hill cutting. Long before environmental politics became fashionable within mainstream parties, Satheesan had already begun framing ecology as a democratic and livelihood issue.

His opposition to the SilverLine semi-high-speed rail corridor became especially significant. Satheesan recognised early that the project was not merely about infrastructure but also about debt, ecology, displacement and democratic consent. He travelled extensively across affected regions, met families facing displacement and converted scattered anxieties into a broad political movement.

The anti-SilverLine campaign eventually became one of the defining struggles that helped revive the Congress-led Opposition after years of drift and demoralisation.

Yet throughout this rise, power inside the Congress repeatedly eluded him.

When the Congress-led UDF returned to office under Oommen Chandy in 2011, Satheesan was widely regarded as among the most deserving younger legislators for cabinet entry. But factional calculations, caste-community balancing and entrenched organisational structures denied him ministership. The episode became symbolic of his political journey: admired publicly, resisted internally.

For decades, Kerala Congress politics revolved around entrenched factions and delicate community equations. Satheesan never fully belonged to those traditional structures. His independence strengthened his public credibility but complicated his organisational prospects. Several senior leaders admired his intellect while simultaneously remaining wary of his bluntness and assertiveness.

Even his eventual elevation as Opposition Leader after the Congress defeat in 2021 came only after intense internal resistance. Senior leaders were reluctant to yield space to a younger generation. But once Satheesan assumed leadership, the emotional climate within the Congress changed rapidly.

He transformed the Opposition from a defensive coalition into an aggressive political force. Congress workers who had psychologically collapsed after repeated defeats suddenly rediscovered confidence and energy.

Well-known academic and political observer Prof. M.N. Karassery believes Satheesan’s democratic instinct distinguishes him from many contemporary politicians. “Kerala respects leaders who can take clear positions despite pressure,” Karassery says. “Satheesan earned hostility from influential communal and caste leaderships because he refused to reduce politics into appeasement management. That gave him moral legitimacy.”

Satheesan’s confrontations with influential social figures such as Sukumaran Nair, Vellappally Natesan and Kanthapuram A.P. Aboobacker Musliyar strengthened his image among younger voters seeking leaders willing to move beyond old identity vetoes.

His rise also cannot be understood without examining his complicated but ultimately important relationships with Congress organisational general-secretary K.C. Venugopal and senior colleague Ramesh Chennithala. Both were rivals at different moments. Both also became crucial to his eventual ascent.

Chennithala represented organisational continuity and grassroots networks. Venugopal represented national influence and Delhi access. Satheesan represented issue-based politics, public credibility and generational transition. The Congress ultimately needed all three. Their collective involvement helped deliver the UDF’s landslide victory in this election.

K.P. Noushad Ali, the newly elected Congress MLA from Ponnani and one of Satheesan’s strong supporters during the chief ministerial contest, believes workers identify emotionally with Satheesan’s struggles. “He never behaved like power was his birthright,” Noushad Ali says. “Even when repeatedly sidelined, he continued working with the same intensity. That resilience inspired younger Congress workers.”

Lakshmi Subhash, social activist and assistant professor at an aided college in Palakkad, sees in Satheesan a rare combination of intellect and empathy.

“Students and younger professionals connect with him because he reads seriously, studies deeply and prepares thoroughly. But he is also emotionally accessible. That combination is uncommon in contemporary politics.”

Congress leader Soya Joseph from Thrissur believes Satheesan restored emotional confidence within the party itself. “After repeated defeats, many workers had psychologically surrendered. Satheesan changed that mood completely. He convinced the party that survival itself required unity, clarity and fighting spirit.”

Perhaps that is the central meaning of Satheesan’s rise. He arrives at Kerala’s highest office not as a leader manufactured smoothly through patronage systems but as the product of a long political struggle shaped by exclusion, delay, resilience and recovery.

Like Achuthanandan before him, he discovered that political integrity can command respect even across ideological boundaries. Like Oommen Chandy, he cultivated accessibility. Like Achutha Menon, he developed a reputation for intellectual seriousness and administrative engagement.

But fundamentally, Satheesan’s authority emerged through legislative politics itself: through research, argument, democratic confrontation and relentless public engagement.

For a state that takes immense pride in political literacy, that may be the most significant aspect of his story.

K.A. Shaji is a South India–based journalist who has chronicled rural distress, caste and tribal realities, environmental struggles and development fault lines. More of his writing here

DJI Is Still Keeping Most of the Osmo Pocket 4P Details Under Wraps

9 June 2026 at 15:35

A man with gray hair and a beard holds a small, handheld camera with dual lenses, focusing on the device while the background is blurred.

The Osmo Pocket 4P is starting to get more visible online as DJI is putting it into the hands of reviewers and content creators this week. That said, most of this camera is still a mystery -- and that's the way DJI wants it.

[Read More]

  • ✇National Herald
  • Speak no evil Sourabh Sen
    In the run-up to West Bengal election, the BJP’s central think tank probably thought projecting a bold and muscular image would help it win the elections. So, it beat up Bengali-speaking migrant workers all over the country, even pushing some across the border to Bangladesh. Then elections were held after knocking off at least 35 lakh people who could well be valid voters. TMC’s election manager’s office was raided and its senior official arrested during the polls and released after they were ov
     

Speak no evil

25 May 2026 at 07:18

In the run-up to West Bengal election, the BJP’s central think tank probably thought projecting a bold and muscular image would help it win the elections. So, it beat up Bengali-speaking migrant workers all over the country, even pushing some across the border to Bangladesh. Then elections were held after knocking off at least 35 lakh people who could well be valid voters. TMC’s election manager’s office was raided and its senior official arrested during the polls and released after they were over.

After winning West Bengal, the projection of brute force continues. Bulldozers have been deployed at various locations in an around Kolkata to tear down whatever comes in the way. OBC reservation for minorities has been abolished. Those raising voice against the state government have been arrested. Municipalities and Panchayats have been taken over by force.

The latest in the crack-down list is a gag order on government employees. On 19 May, the Chief Secretary issued an administrative directive (Circular No. 139-CS) to all state departments, district magistrates and police units enforcing a strict restriction on public and media communication by state officials. The accompanying compliance order from the Personnel and Administrative Reforms Department followed.

The scope of these orders is unusually wide, covering members of the All-India Services (such as IAS and IPS), the West Bengal Civil Service (WBCS), the West Bengal Police Service and all employees of state government bodies, autonomous institutions and state-funded educational entities. The orders impose complete prohibition on participating in or associating with any privately produced, sponsored media programmes without prior government sanction.

Bureaucrats and employees face a complete ban on sharing official documents, files or administrative information with the press. They are barred from editing, managing or contributing to newspapers and periodicals and may not write letters, articles or participate in radio or television broadcasts.

There is a complete ban on making any adverse or critical public comment on policies, functioning or decisions of either the state or the central government. Officials are also prohibited from making public statements or media contributions that could strain relationships between the West Bengal government and the centre, other states or foreign nations.

West Bengal’s new administration maintains that the orders introduce no new policy but merely reinforce existing legal frameworks — the All-India Services (Conduct) Rules, 1968, and the West Bengal Service Rules, 1980 — to preserve bureaucratic discipline, subtle but consequential differences have been introduced.

While the order allows media participation with prior sanction, the 1980 rule specified media participation with prior intimation, the transition from intimation to sanction being the key factor. There is now a blanket prohibition on article/letter writing without permission, which the 1980 rule allowed.

On the question of democratic rights, the order prohibits adverse criticism, publication, utterance, interaction and media contribution. The 1980 rule permitted such activities, except for government employees becoming members of any political party. While the scope of the secrecy clause has been expanded under the new order, the 1980 rules prohibited dissemination of only secret documents to public domain. Also, while the order brought all-India services, WBCS and other employees under its ambit, the 1980 rule excluded the all-India services, the police and jail staff.

The latest orders have led to widespread criticism; but the state government remains unfazed. “This is an old standing order, something like a “no standing on footboard” notice you see on buses, to which no one pays attention. But they do reveal a degree of panic and concern.

After all it was the same government officers and employees who supplied information to the BJP on the inner workings of the TMC government, which is neither illegal nor undemocratic. But true to BJP's scheme of things, the new government is using democratic means to deny democratic space to the opposition,” said former bureaucrat and Rajya Sabha member Jawhar Sircar.

Sourabh Sen is a Kolkata-based independent writer and commentator on politics, human rights and foreign affairs. More of his writing here

Archetypes Could Accelerate Agricultural Adaptation to Less Snowpack

Panoramic view overlooking a stream meandering through green farm fields toward hills and mountains in the distance

“Future winters promise less snow, more rain. Nobody’s prepared.” So proclaims the title of a recent article in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America that frames adaptation to snow loss as the “million-dollar question” facing the western United States.

As the largest sectoral consumer of fresh water globally, agriculture is particularly vulnerable to snow loss.

Declining snowfall—and snowmelt—affects ecosystems, urban and rural water supplies, hydropower, recreation, tourism, and agriculture. As the largest sectoral consumer of fresh water globally, agriculture is particularly vulnerable to snow loss.

Much of the U.S. West faces one of the worst snow years on record, and the statistics on future conditions feel dire. Up to 40% of the water demand for agriculture in the region is likely to go unmet as it gets warmer and less snowy. Similar scenarios are shaping up elsewhere around the world, including southern Europe, high-mountain and Central Asia, western Russia, and the southern Andes [Qin et al., 2020].

In response, water managers have developed a range of approaches for adapting to snow loss: infrastructure-based approaches like managed aquifer recharge, nature-based solutions such as forest management and beaver dam analogues, demand-side approaches like multibenefit land repurposing, and polarizing supply-side approaches like reservoir expansion and cloud seeding (Figure 1).

Cartoon diagram of a mountainous agricultural landscape illustrating 16 strategies for adapting to snow loss, with each one labeled with a number and denoted in a text sidebar
Fig. 1. Potential approaches to reduce negative impacts to agriculture from snow loss include a variety of adaptive strategies that address either water supply or demand. Click image for larger version.

However, efforts to identify which of these strategies to implement for different drainage basins, or watersheds, using the variety of available approaches seem to fall into one of two traps: either searching for unrealistic one-size-fits-all panaceas [Ostrom, 2007] or treating every basin as unique, which is costly and inefficient.

The “trillion-dollar question” isn’t how to adapt but, rather, where existing strategies may make the most—and fastest—difference.

Importantly, continuing along this trajectory means that we’re on track to offset only about a third of global climate-induced crop yield losses by 2100. For the western United States, previous work has estimated cumulative economic losses from declining snowfall of hundreds of billions to trillions of dollars while noting that rational adaptation decisions are hampered by the lack of financial analyses of the importance of snow [Sturm et al., 2017].

We thus suggest that the “trillion-dollar question” isn’t how to adapt but, rather, where existing strategies may make the most—and fastest—difference to offset projected losses. Answering this question requires an approach that matches strategies to the contexts where they are more likely to succeed—one that treats basins as neither uniform nor unique.

A Mismatch in Research and Operational Scales

Physical scientists tend to look at snow loss as a basin-scale problem, in part because this view aligns with hydrologic boundaries. However, as our colleague, applied economist Joey Blumberg, explains, “county lines were not drawn to follow watersheds, and rivers do not conform to political borders, creating a patchwork of mismatched boundaries.”

Scientists have long emphasized that mitigating climate change requires us to “think globally, assess regionally, act locally.” And in 1992, the authors of the Dublin Principles reasoned that moving the needle on “wicked water problems” requires targeting decisionmaking at the “lowest appropriate level,” where stakeholders can collaborate most effectively.

A view looking down a forested, snow-covered slope toward Lake Tahoe in the distance
Lake Tahoe, pictured here, contains 37 trillion gallons of water, roughly half of which is supplied by snowmelt in the Sierra Nevada Mountains. Credit: Beatrice L. Gordon

The challenge is that “local” isn’t a single, consistent unit. We recently explored the lowest appropriate level concept for agricultural water management in the U.S. West by defining local operational contexts on the basis of intermediaries such as irrigation districts, water conservancies, and mutual water companies that connect individual farmers to their hydrology [Gordon et al., 2024].

Working at this scale, we found one-size-fits-all strategies often don’t hold up, even within the same hydrologic basin [Gordon et al., 2024; Boisramé et al., 2026]. In the Upper Colorado River Basin, for example, expanding reservoir storage could buffer agriculture in northeastern Utah against declining snowpack, but the same strategy may fail miles away in southwestern Wyoming, where a thirstier atmosphere may make it harder to refill existing reservoirs.

However, collecting detailed local-scale information for just 13 of the roughly 2,600 operational contexts nationwide took almost 3 years of searching websites, reading working papers, and calling water managers.

Scaling this approach across the entire western United States is understandably overwhelming. We need a more systematic approach to help managers identify which strategies could work most effectively, and where.

A Diagnostic for Agriculture and Snow Loss

Ostrom [2007] argued that complex systems, such as Western agriculture, “are partially decomposable in their structure.” This insight is woven into archetype analysis, an approach for identifying recurrent patterns across otherwise diverse systems.

Like workplace assessments—which are genuinely useful, albeit imperfect, tools for understanding successful management styles—archetypes draw on qualitative, quantitative, or hybrid approaches to group diverse operational contexts on the basis of shared characteristics [Sietz et al., 2019]. These groupings enable systematic knowledge transfer about, for example, how management strategies that work in one context can also guide adaptation elsewhere.

Three main characteristics interact to define operational contexts in snow-dependent agriculture in the western United States: physical constraints, governance systems, and human behavior.

“Researchers can empirically derive building blocks or components that comprise archetypes to represent key features of a system,” explains Elizabeth Koebele, who studies urban water sustainability [Garcia et al., 2019] and has begun applying archetypes in that context. However, she notes, these building blocks “vary based on the system context, available data, and study goal.”

We propose three main characteristics that interact to define operational contexts in snow-dependent agriculture in the western United States: physical constraints, governance systems, and human behavior. Physical constraints, including biophysical setting, infrastructure, and climate, determine available water supplies. Governance capacity relative to governance complexity shapes how those supplies are allocated across competing uses. Human behaviors influence both water demand and how users respond to supply conditions and governance rules.

Using these characteristics to establish archetypes of water management contexts could define a path forward for operationalizing an approach to accelerate successful adaptations to declining snowpacks in the West.

Constraining How Snowmelt Becomes Water Supply

Physical constraints stem from biophysical processes that influence how, when, and how much snow becomes streamflow; infrastructure that stores and conveys water; and hydrologic and climatic uncertainties about future supplies. These constraints can vary substantially from basin to basin.

Consider the Walker River Basin and California’s San Joaquin Valley, both of which rely on Sierra Nevada snowpack but have different biophysical settings. In some parts of the central Sierra, forest management can reduce wildfire risk and increase streamflow by up to 14% during low-snow years. Elsewhere, however, water made available by forest management may be consumed by remaining vegetation, limiting downstream gains.

These biophysical differences interact with uses of built infrastructure, including irrigation systems, reservoir outlets, and canals, to determine how and when water is stored and released. As temperatures warm and snowmelt declines, officials in both the Walker River and San Joaquin Valley basins must increasingly manage for a wider range of extremes, including “cold-water droughts.” However, the infrastructure to manage these trade-offs through reservoir storage and operations that balance agricultural deliveries with aquatic habitat needs is more developed in the highly managed San Joaquin than in the Walker.

Thankfully, measuring physical constraints on snowmelt at basin scales is becoming more feasible today with newly developed tools.

Layered on top of biophysical and infrastructural constraints are climatic and hydrological uncertainties, such as whether snow loss will lead to more evapotranspiration and less streamflow. These uncertainties complicate management decisions based on cost-benefit modeling of individual strategies: Should districts expand reservoir storage if precipitation is predicted to increase or decrease depending on the model? Frameworks like Decision Making Under Deep Uncertainty emphasize the need to select strategies that are robust across many possible futures.

Thankfully, measuring physical constraints on snowmelt at basin scales—a means, along with improved modeling, to reduce hydroclimatic uncertainties—is becoming more feasible today with newly developed tools. Water managers can turn, for example, to databases like the U.S. Geological Survey’s ResOpsUS [Steyaert et al., 2022], which catalogs historical reservoir operations across the contiguous United States, and to publicly available hydrologic projections such as those from Oak Ridge National Laboratory’s Coupled Models Intercomparison Project phase 6 (CMIP6) ensemble.

Governance Controls Supply Allocations

We frame governance around capacity and complexity. Capacity in this context is the ability of stakeholders “to mobilize resources in order to make equitable and fair decisions around shared challenges,” according to governance scholar Gina Gilson. Complexity refers to the number and intricacy of jurisdictions, authorities, regulations, and stakeholders involved. As governance complexity increases, the effectiveness of adaptation strategies becomes more sensitive to capacity constraints, particularly regarding timescales and funding.

For example, infrastructure in the Walker is controlled locally by a single water district, and jurisdictional coordination involves two states and the Walker River Paiute Tribe. Coordination on water management is never simple, but fewer jurisdictions generally means faster decisionmaking and clearer authority, allowing the single water district to implement strategies like multibenefit land repurposing more readily. Such implementations, in turn, enable reduced agricultural water use, directly supporting restoration of Walker Lake and recovery of endangered species.

A portion of the arid-looking shoreline of Walker Lake in Nevada with mountains rising beyond the lake
Walker Lake in Nevada is part of the Walker River Basin. Credit: Alan Levine/Flickr, CC BY 2.0

The San Joaquin Valley is vastly different in scale and complexity, covering eight California counties, one of which alone has 22 water districts and seven cities. Following the passage of the state’s Sustainable Groundwater Management Act, water users in the basin formed more than 120 groundwater sustainability agencies. Agricultural water management thus involves overlapping federal and state systems that operate under different rules, contracts, and regulatory requirements. While land repurposing programs can be implemented, more substantial capacity, time, and resources are typically needed to do so.

Emerging efforts like the Western States Water Data Access and Analysis Tool (WestDAAT) and the Harmonized Database of Western U.S. Water Rights make it easier to assess governance in a basin by standardizing data about rules, regulations, and water rights across states. Combined with mapping of irrigation service areas and water transfers [Siddik et al., 2023], these resources help stakeholders identify the jurisdictions involved, how authority is distributed, and what coordination mechanisms exist for agricultural water management.

Human Behavior Shapes Demand Responses

Once snowmelt reaches water users, behavioral dynamics—how people respond to crises, policies, and changing conditions—determine how effectively management strategies achieve desired results.

Water demand is influenced by consumption choices and by economic, political, and cultural factors.

Water demand is influenced by consumption choices and by economic, political, and cultural factors. It is also influenced by factors that typical hydrologic models rarely account for, including social structure, social memory, and affluence. More affluent users are less likely to modify their behavior to reduce water use under conditions of scarcity.

The dynamics of water demand in the South Platte River Basin, for example, are especially complex, as they are balanced across cities, agriculture, and ecosystems across parts of Colorado, Nebraska, and Wyoming. Water prices in the basin’s Big Thompson project, a federal water diversion system in northern Colorado, jumped from $1,500 per acre-foot in 1990 to more than $30,000 in 2018, driven by economic factors that resulted in cities owning 70% of water originally intended for agriculture.

Even with reliable projections of future climate and water supply, carefully planned strategies can be overwhelmed by economic and behavioral factors, resulting in transfers and reallocations of water. What’s more, behavioral responses to adaptation strategies can paradoxically increase demand when users perceive that scarcity problems are solved.

The “reservoir effect” occurs when water security perceptions encourage expansion of water-intensive activities [Di Baldassarre et al., 2018]. Similarly, the irrigation efficiency paradox shows how efficiency gains can lead to expanded production and reduced return flows (how much irrigation water returns to streams and aquifers) downstream [Grafton et al., 2018].

Conceptual frameworks, models, and global case studies have all been used as approaches to study the effects of human behavior on hydrology. With sufficient training data, we believe tools like machine learning could be used to further explore how behaviors influence adaptation and to anticipate shifts as snow loss continues.

Archetypes in Practice

By evaluating how physical factors, governance systems, and human behavior shape outcomes across places like the Walker, South Platte, and San Joaquin basins, researchers and practitioners can establish archetypes to help identify patterns in what strategies are most effective in different places and assess how to transfer lessons from one setting to another (Figure 2).

Text-heavy diagram outlining an archetype-based diagnostic framework for evaluating the physical constraints, governance, and human behavioral dynamics affecting hydrologic basins
Fig. 2. An archetype-based diagnostic grounded in evaluating the physical constraints, governance, and human behavioral dynamics affecting hydrologic basins could facilitate more rapid transfer of learning about successful adaptation approaches across snowmelt-dependent agriculture in the western United States.

The Walker River Basin exemplifies an archetype common to agriculturally dominated headwaters in the western United States with low governance complexity (few jurisdictions), adequate capacity (resources), low behavioral complexity (more predictable and unified user groups), and substantial physical constraints (significant future snow loss and limited infrastructure for water storage and supplementation).

With this profile, the Walker is an ideal testing ground for evaluating how effectively different strategies offset changes in snowmelt. Does cloud seeding increase snowpack? Could beaver dam analogues—a nature-based solution reminiscent of Idaho Fish and Game’s mid-20th century effort to parachute beavers into the wilderness—meaningfully increase water retention? Could multibenefit land repurposing buffer people and ecosystems against supply volatility while restoring ecosystem functionality?

The value of organizing operational contexts by archetypes is that each context need not be treated as unique.

The value of organizing operational contexts by archetypes is that each context need not be treated as unique. Lessons learned from the Walker could be systematically transferred to other areas with similar characteristics and could be incrementally tested in others.

The South Platte has physical constraints similar to Walker’s but features greater governance complexity because of multiple interstate compacts, as well as greater behavioral complexity. Modeling analyses indicate that demand-side strategies could adapt to more volatile water supply in the South Platte [Gharib et al., 2023]. But implementing them requires balancing perspectives from both agricultural and urban water users—a behavioral dynamic absent in Walker.

Crop switching to cultivate higher-value crops on less acreage could reduce water use. However, options for what crops can be grown where are constrained by factors like elevation and climate. Even where feasible, new crops would require investments in education, new infrastructure, risk management, and agronomic knowledge.

Through iterative expansion and testing, broad archetypes like “high behavioral complexity” could be specified to reflect dynamics like rural-urban competition or concerns around buy-and-dry economics. Archetypes may also point to contexts where governance complexity signals that decisionmaking is occurring above the lowest appropriate level.

Agricultural fields line a canal in California’s San Joaquin Valley.
Agricultural fields line a canal in California’s San Joaquin Valley. Credit: Don Graham/Flickr, CC BY-SA 2.0

The San Joaquin, with its extremely complex governance involving numerous local, state, and federal agencies managing surface and groundwater, is one potential example. Recognizing this pattern can help identify where substantial resources and long timelines may be required to implement programs (e.g., LandFlex) requiring legislative authorization, multiagency coordination, and stakeholder engagement. It may also signal the need to identify smaller operational contexts within larger settings so implementations proceed more rapidly.

Operationalizing Archetypes from Diagnosis to Action

Developing a systematic approach to match adaptation strategies with areas where they are most likely to succeed in operation is only a first step. Applying diagnostics without mechanisms to implement new strategies is often insufficient to drive timely action.

An instructive precedent of success in water quality management comes from the 1970s. By then, pollution controls on factories had improved compared with the early 20th century, yet water quality in surface waters across the country still declined because of pollution in agricultural runoff. The breakthrough came with the EPA’s total maximum daily load (TMDL) program, which created a structured process that set measurable goals for reducing pollution and assigned responsibility for meeting those goals to the sources of the pollution, allowing for local control over adaptation.

Archetypes could play a similar role in facilitating beneficial snow-loss adaptations, and a structure like the TMDL program could start by assessing supply-demand risks across operational areas, setting performance targets such as reservoir reliability and shortage frequency, and then using the diagnostic to identify which strategies fit each archetype. Results and lessons could be shared region-wide, while implementation would remain locally driven.

This suggestion is, emphatically, not a prescription for specific policy mechanisms. But it serves as a reminder that—just as few of us engage with workplace assessments or change behavior on the basis of their results without organizational support—archetypes will need to be paired with implementation structures to translate diagnosis into action.

Beyond Silver Bullets

There is no single answer to our trillion-dollar question, but one path forward for sustaining complex Western ecosystems lies in developing archetypes of different types of basins.

Nearly 20 years ago, Ostrom [2007] warned against seeking panaceas for complex environmental problems. There is no silver bullet for snow loss or single answer to our trillion-dollar question, but one path forward for sustaining complex Western ecosystems lies in developing archetypes of different types of basins.

A small irrigation district, for example, wouldn’t need to independently test every strategy in Figure 1 or develop complex decision support tools when a similar archetype already evaluated which strategies work under comparable governance, behavioral, and physical conditions.

Critically, these archetypes can be developed and refined by managers and scientists to capture more nuanced realities. Physically constrained systems, for example, could include areas facing high future uncertainty or limited reservoir flexibility. Governance and behavioral dimensions could likewise evolve to represent contexts where subsidies lead to incoherent incentives or where cultural norms link water use to local identities and traditions.

Like workplace assessments, the goal isn’t to diminish unique personalities but to work with them more strategically. Archetypes can show where we don’t need to reinvent the wheel to adapt and where the wheel might need to be tweaked. By leveraging collective knowledge and learning across regions facing similar challenges, rather than crafting new solutions basin by basin, we can reduce the time and resources needed to implement equitable and sustainable adaptation solutions.

Acknowledgments

This work is supported by the National Science Foundation (NSF) under grants 1828902 and OIA-2148788. Where We Live is funded by a grant from NSF’s Established Program to Stimulate Competitive Research (EPSCoR) RII Track-2 program and features partnerships across the University of Idaho (award 2316126); the University of Nevada, Reno (award 2316127); and the University of South Carolina (award 2316128). Work was also supported by internal funds from the Division of Hydrologic Resources at the Desert Research Institute.

References

Boisramé, G. F., et al. (2026), Think globally, model locally: Complex responses of agricultural water supplies to different climate projections, J. Am. Water Resour. Assoc., 62(3), e70117, https://doi.org/10.1111/1752-1688.70117.

Di Baldassarre, G., et al. (2018), Water shortages worsened by reservoir effects, Nat. Sustainability, 1(11), 617–622, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41893-018-0159-0.

Garcia, M., et al. (2019), Towards urban water sustainability: Analyzing management transitions in Miami, Las Vegas, and Los Angeles, Global Environ. Change, 58, 101967, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.gloenvcha.2019.101967.

Gharib, A. A., et al. (2023), Assessment of vulnerability to water shortage in semi-arid river basins: The value of demand reduction and storage capacity, Sci. Total Environ., 871, 161964, https://doi.org/10.1016/j.scitotenv.2023.161964.

Gordon, B. L., et al. (2024), The essential role of local context in shaping risk and risk reduction strategies for snowmelt‐dependent irrigated agriculture, Earth’s Future, 12(6), e2024EF004577, https://doi.org/10.1029/2024EF004577.

Grafton, R. Q., et al. (2018), The paradox of irrigation efficiency, Science, 361(6404), 748–750, https://doi.org/10.1126/science.aat9314.

Ostrom, E. (2007), A diagnostic approach for going beyond panaceas, Proc. Natl. Acad. Sci. U. S. A., 104(39), 15,181–15,187, https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0702288104.

Qin, Y., et al. (2020), Agricultural risks from changing snowmelt, Nat. Clim. Change, 10, 459–465, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41558-020-0746-8.

Siddik, M. A. B., et al. (2023), Interbasin water transfers in the United States and Canada, Sci. Data, 10, 27, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41597-023-01935-4.

Sietz, D., et al. (2019), Archetype analysis in sustainability research: Methodological portfolio and analytical frontiers, Ecol. Soc., 24(3), 34, www.jstor.org/stable/26796999.

Steyaert, J. C., et al. (2022), ResOpsUS, a dataset of historical reservoir operations in the contiguous United States, Sci. Data, 9, 34, https://doi.org/10.1038/s41597-022-01134-7.

Sturm, M., et al. (2017), Water and life from snow: A trillion dollar science question, Water Resour. Res., 53(5), 3,534–3,544, https://doi.org/10.1002/2017WR020840.

Author Information

Beatrice L. Gordon (beatrice.gordon@dri.edu), Gabrielle F. S. Boisrame, Christine M. Albano, and Rosemary W. H. Carroll, Desert Research Institute, Reno, Nev.; and Adrian A. Harpold, University of Nevada, Reno

Citation: Gordon, B. L., G. F. S. Boisrame, C. M. Albano, R. W. H. Carroll, and A. A. Harpold (2026), Archetypes could accelerate agricultural adaptation to less snowpack, Eos, 107, https://doi.org/10.1029/2026EO260184. Published on 9 June 2026.
This article does not represent the opinion of AGU, Eos, or any of its affiliates. It is solely the opinion of the author(s).
Text © 2026. The authors. CC BY-NC-ND 3.0
Except where otherwise noted, images are subject to copyright. Any reuse without express permission from the copyright owner is prohibited.
  • ✇National Herald
  • Switching to organic farming is no walk in the park Jaideep Hardikar
    With the assembly elections to five states done and dusted, and Assam and West Bengal in the bag for the BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided it was time to ask Indians to brace themselves for price shocks and other crises emanating from the war in West Asia. As always, the onus of sacrifice was on citizens — don’t buy gold, use less oil, work from home... All too familiar exhortations to exercise restraint and discipline and take patriotic responsibility.He had one for farmers too: to “mov
     

Switching to organic farming is no walk in the park

16 May 2026 at 07:13

With the assembly elections to five states done and dusted, and Assam and West Bengal in the bag for the BJP, Prime Minister Narendra Modi decided it was time to ask Indians to brace themselves for price shocks and other crises emanating from the war in West Asia. As always, the onus of sacrifice was on citizens — don’t buy gold, use less oil, work from home... All too familiar exhortations to exercise restraint and discipline and take patriotic responsibility.

He had one for farmers too: to “move to 50 per cent organic farming”. But is the switch such a cinch?

It takes seven to ten years to move from chemical-intensive agriculture to organic — or sustainable — farming. The transition, as this writer has learnt in conversations with tens of thousands of farmers across the country, comes with big risks and massive shocks — sudden drops in production, spikes in labour wages, pest attacks, uncertain inputs...

The consensus is that while productivity stabilises over time, change requires constant guidance and services that are not available in the market. While India has some 400 definitions of organic farming in different regional languages, the agriculture science fraternity has not yet adopted it as a system of production.

By and large, organic farming has spread in India through community-based organisations, NGOs and, in some cases, highly motivated individual farmers, rarely through public institutions or universities.

At first glance, Modi’s proposal to make a big switch to organic farming may seem ecologically sound. The crisis in Indian agriculture is real — farmers have had it rough for decades. Excessive use of chemicals has irreparably degraded soils, contaminated groundwater, reduced biodiversity and trapped farmers in expensive input-intensive systems. Few serious environmentalists would deny the urgent need for more sustainable agricultural practices.

The latest 2026 report by the Research Institute of Organic Agriculture (FiBL) and IFOAM Organics International shows that organic agriculture spans nearly 99 million hectares in over 180 countries, involving 4.8 million producers. The global organic food market has grown to nearly 145 billion. India, with four million hectares, has one of the world’s largest numbers of certified organic farmers, topped by Australia with 53 million hectares.

The report does not consider farmers who practise organic farming but are not certified. In India, for instance, the Participatory Guarantee System (PGS) is used by millions of farmers as a process of certification for domestic consumption, in addition to the third-party certification usually required for export.

In India and worldwide, organic farming is a small fraction of the overall production ecosystem, but it is growing. For instance, India is a leader in organic cotton. Ditto for millets. Millions of small farmers in tribal and lagging geographies use less chemicals and are de facto organic, but not certified by any of the expensive and difficult certification systems.

Note the gap though, between the first and the second. Australia has a systemic approach; India does not. Our problem is policy — or the lack of it. Farmers want to switch away from chemicals, no one needs to preach at them. What they await is policy support to do so.

As G.V. Ramanjaneyulu of the Centre for Sustainable Agriculture (CSA) in Hyderabad, one of the most ardent advocates of sustainable farming practices, puts it: “Farmers have done everything in the past 20 years to increase their incomes and switch to sustainable practices.” They have tweaked their cropping choices, learnt organic practices, invested time and money and shouldered the risks during the transition.

With public institutions and systems overwhelmingly leaning on modern i.e. industrialised agriculture, organic farmers cannot compete in volatile markets.

“It is the Indian Council of Agriculture Research (ICAR) and agriculture universities that must be asked to institutionalise organic farming research and strategy,” he says. “Policy must support the farmers who practise non-chemical agriculture production systems.”

Over 25 years, the CSA has steadily organised farmers in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh under its cooperatives and farmers’ produce companies, helping them switch from chemical to organic or integrated pesticide management systems, under Sahaja Aharam, a brand of its own.

Yet, challenges remain: remunerative prices, access to markets, quality inputs, knowledge support and so on. Ramanjaneyulu says policy hasn’t evolved to support farmers who made the switch; prices, credit flows, input markets remain stagnant; and the science of organic farming has not yet been institutionalised.

“Chemical farming systems have all the pillars in place: public institutions push it, banks and financial institutions support it, and markets latch it up,” he says. For farmers to switch from one system to the other, they need similar pillars. “Who will provide those? What kind of knowledge systems are needed for the switch? These are critical issues that need government backing and strategy.”

A farmer cannot switch to organic farming or stop using chemicals because someone says so. Before the prime minister tells farmers to feel the moral obligation and bear the burden of the transition, he must put policy and systems in place.

The PM (and his cabinet) must answer some of these questions for farmers to practise what he preaches. What is the timeline for the transition? Under which procurement structures? Through what extension systems? What kind of financial support? How are they to absorb transitional yield losses? How will certification be managed? What happens to small cultivators already trapped in huge debt? How will states compensate for lower output during conversion years? Who will bear the economic risk of experimentation?

These are not technical details. They are the difference between grandstanding and implementation.

****

For a sobering lesson, we need look no farther than Sri Lanka. In 2021, the Sri Lankan government abruptly banned the import of chemical fertilisers and aggressively pushed the country towards organic farming. The decision was wrapped up in ecological jargon and national pride.

The results were disastrous. Crop yields fell sharply. Tea production suffered severe losses. Food shortages ballooned. Inflation spiralled. Rural distress deepened.

The lesson from Sri Lanka’s experiment with organic farming is not that it’s impossible or undesirable, but that agricultural practices cannot be altered overnight through executive fiat. These transitions require years of preparation, scientific planning, farmer consultation, market redesign, transition finance and decentralised adaptation to local ecological realities. Many organisations have done the spadework in India. We can learn from their experiences. Sikkim moved to a fully organic model, but farmers in the state did not benefit economically.

Ecological transitions are extraordinarily complex processes that cannot be reduced to moral exhortation from podiums. Agriculture is not theatre. Soil systems do not obey slogans.

Wars disrupt oil supplies, inflation rises, currencies weaken, uncertainty spreads across markets. Prudence, moderation, even austerity can become necessary. But what distinguishes democratic leadership from political theatre is whether sacrifice is evenly shared or selectively imposed.

By now, we know the most reliable way to understand this regime is not to listen to what it says but to observe what it does. For over a decade, structural crises in India have repeatedly been translated into moral obligations for citizens. Recall the prime minister’s exhortations during the demonetisation of 2016 and the COVID-19 pandemic of 2020.

Now, geopolitical instability is being converted into another sermon on austerity instead of a serious national conversation about sustainable agriculture, fossil fuel dependence, resource conservation and ecological repair. That responsibility cannot be delegated downwards to already vulnerable citizens.

Jaideep Hardikar is a senior Nagpur-based journalist and author of Ramrao: The Story of India’s Farm Crisis. Read more by him here

  • ✇Business Matters
  • Goodbye 11.35pm: Why linear TV’s biggest names are all fleeing to YouTube Richard Alvin
    There was a moment, somewhere around 1990, when I sincerely believed that the most important thing my mother did each evening was sit down at 9.00pm sharp to watch the news. Not 9.01pm. Not 8.59pm. Nine, on the dot, because that was when the news began, because Sir Alastair Burnet had decided it was so, and because the rest of the United Kingdom, including, by the look of it, the entire cabinet, appeared to be doing exactly the same thing. The country ran on a single national rhythm, like a grea
     

Goodbye 11.35pm: Why linear TV’s biggest names are all fleeing to YouTube

28 May 2026 at 11:05
There was a moment, somewhere around 1990, when I sincerely believed that the most important thing my mother did each evening was sit down at 9.00pm sharp to watch the news.

There was a moment, somewhere around 1990, when I sincerely believed that the most important thing my mother did each evening was sit down at 9.00pm sharp to watch the news.

Not 9.01pm. Not 8.59pm. Nine, on the dot, because that was when the news began, because Sir Alastair Burnet had decided it was so, and because the rest of the United Kingdom, including, by the look of it, the entire cabinet, appeared to be doing exactly the same thing. The country ran on a single national rhythm, like a great wheezing grandfather clock, and the people who set the time wore tailored suits and lived in a place called Wood Lane.

That rhythm is now thoroughly, demonstrably, embarrassingly dead. And the people doing the burying are not bedroom-bound teenagers in TikTok-stained pyjamas. They are the very figures who built the broadcast schedule in the first place.

Take Stephen Colbert. Forty-eight hours after CBS finally smothered The Late Show with a corporate pillow, the network insists this had nothing to do with the lawsuit, the Skydance merger or the present occupant of the Oval Office, and we are of course expected to accept that assertion at the value of a Liz Truss lettuce, Colbert popped up on a public-access channel called Monroe Community Media. Then he popped up, rather more pointedly, on his shiny new YouTube channel, with Eminem and Jeff Daniels in tow, gathering 120,000 subscribers in a single weekend. No 11.35pm slot. No commercial break. No procession of Affiliate Sales stations of the cross. Just Stephen, a camera, and the most generous tip jar in the history of broadcasting.

A few months earlier, Piers Morgan walked off the Murdoch reservation entirely, to which I would normally raise a single languid eyebrow, but the man left a reported £50 million on the table to do it. He has called the TalkTV slot a “straitjacket”. He has 3.6 million YouTube subscribers and a four-year arrangement that hands him ownership of his own brand. Trump, Zelensky, Peterson, Ronaldo: all interviewed not for the dignified British 10 o’clock viewer but for a global congregation that watches him in Brisbane, Boston and bed.

And while the talent is bolting for the exits, the institutions are quietly digging tunnels under the perimeter fence. The BBC, that great, lumbering, well-meaning monument to the licence fee, is putting the finishing touches on a landmark deal to produce original shows for YouTube. Why? Because, mortifyingly, YouTube has overtaken BBC One on monthly reach in this country. The corporation that gave us Reith, Attenborough and Bake Off is now obliged to commission content for the same platform that hosts cats falling off skirting boards. The licence fee, it turns out, doesn’t beat free.

The numbers, for those of us who still pretend to be grown-ups, are devastating. Per Ofcom’s Media Nations 2025 report, Britons aged 16 to 24 now watch a startling 33 minutes of broadcast television a day, of which barely 20 minutes is live; they spend an hour and a half on YouTube and TikTok. For someone over 75, broadcast still hoovers up 90 per cent of in-home viewing. For a 16-year-old, it is 19 per cent. We are not, as is so often claimed, watching the gradual decline of an industry. We are watching its will being read.

Across the Atlantic, Nielsen’s Gauge confirms YouTube has now spent six consecutive months as the single largest distributor of television in America, larger than Disney, larger than NBCUniversal, larger than the entire stricken cable bundle put together. YouTube earned $36 billion in ad revenue in 2024, more than all four American broadcast networks combined. The schedule, to put it baldly, has been replaced by the search bar. The time slot has been replaced by the thumbnail.

The business lesson here is not “everyone should start a YouTube channel”. Please don’t. You’ll fail, embarrass your spouse and spend Saturdays editing in your shed. The lesson, for those of us building businesses outside the M25 commentary bubble, is rather more important than that. Ownership, distribution and audience relationship are now the three things that actually count, and the platform that delivers all three at once is winning. Witness Gary Lineker’s Goalhanger Ventures putting capital into creator-led media businesses precisely because the old playbook, make show, hand to broadcaster, hope, is demonstrably worse than the new one. The talent keeps the IP. The talent keeps the audience. The talent, increasingly, is the broadcaster.

The slot, that great totem of the 20th-century media baron, was never about the viewer. It was about logistics, advert breaks, satellite uplinks, union breaks, Carol Vorderman’s hairdresser. The viewer wanted the show. They never wanted nine o’clock. And now, at last, they don’t have to take both.

Sir Alastair Burnet, sleep well.

Read more:
Goodbye 11.35pm: Why linear TV’s biggest names are all fleeing to YouTube

  • ✇Hong Kong Free Press HKFP
  • What they carry: The unseen burdens of migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong Guest Contributor
    By Sringatin & MICROLAB MICROLAB Collective’s latest book, What We Carry, Under the Same Sky, features essays, poems, photographs and drawings by Indonesian migrant workers, reflecting on their life journeys from their home villages in Indonesia to Hong Kong. The cover of the book “What We Carry, Under the Same Sky,” and a poster of the book launch on March 8, 2026. Photo: MICROLAB Collective. This collaborative effort involved not only migrant workers but also academics who helped
     

What they carry: The unseen burdens of migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong

Migrant workers op-ed featured image

By Sringatin & MICROLAB

MICROLAB Collective’s latest book, What We Carry, Under the Same Sky, features essays, poems, photographs and drawings by Indonesian migrant workers, reflecting on their life journeys from their home villages in Indonesia to Hong Kong.

The cover of the book "What We Carry, Under the Same Sky," and a poster of the book launch on March 8, 2026. Photo: MICROLAB Collective.
The cover of the book “What We Carry, Under the Same Sky,” and a poster of the book launch on March 8, 2026. Photo: MICROLAB Collective.

This collaborative effort involved not only migrant workers but also academics who helped sharpen their writing, as well as artists who guided the process and helped design the book’s layout.

Their stories represent the journeys of hundreds of thousands of domestic workers in Hong Kong and beyond.

The shared collective emotion begins in Chapter One. Despite living in resource-rich Indonesia, the authors describe facing economic difficulties due to the country’s broken system. “It is true, our country is rich, yet we do not live in prosperity,” they write.

Each chapter touches upon the invisible burdens faced by migrant workers, such as long-distance motherhood and structural isolation. It opens with an essay, followed by photos taken by migrant workers. The pictures are their personal reflections of what they have “carried,” metaphorically and literally, from Indonesia to Hong Kong, during work and on their days off.

The photos are accompanied by captions that describe the burdens of their lives, worries, and hopes as migrant workers.

A poignant example is in Chapter Two. A migrant worker uses a photo of suitcases in front of airport check-in counters to express loneliness, longing and determination. “Leaving behind family, children, parents – we store our feelings of longing, pain, discrimination in a suitcase of sincerity,” she wrote.

An Indonesian migrant worker takes part in a workshop for the book "What We Carry, Under the Same Sky."
An Indonesian migrant worker takes part in a workshop for the book “What We Carry, Under the Same Sky.” Photo: Lennie Chamello, via Facebook.
Copies of the book "What We Carry, Under the Same Sky," written by 15 Indonesian migrant domestic workers.
Copies of the book “What We Carry, Under the Same Sky,” written by 15 Indonesian migrant domestic workers. Photo: JBMI, via Facebook.

The stories shared by 15 women in the book can easily be experienced by many other migrant workers. This could be seen during the book launch on International Women’s Day on March 8.

The authors drew much laughter when they told the audience about experiencing miscommunications and misunderstandings when they first came to Hong Kong. For example, they mistook the Cantonese word “tang” for “chair,” whereas the employer meant “wait” or “lamp.” The writers turned to humour to ease the daily struggles and sadness they may experience.

Reading What We Carry, Under the Same Sky is like watching a TV drama. It begins with reflections on their home country, then continues with the challenges they face overseas, personal moments with friends on their days off, and ends with their dreams and aspirations.

The book also captures the bitter reality of a cycle of exploitation. Even though Hong Kong and Indonesian laws are said to protect migrant workers, they fail to change the fundamental well-being and status of migrant domestic workers in Hong Kong.

The laws and regulations often contrast with the realities faced by migrant domestic workers. While smartphone technology makes it easier for migrant workers to communicate and send money home, their living conditions remain the same.

The mandatory live-in policy forces migrant domestic workers to live with their employers.  It is not uncommon for them to sleep in the kitchen, in the bathroom, or in a coffin-sized compartment. There is no legal limit to their working hours, and many work for over 12 hours a day and are on call 24/7.

The rules often become a trap. The two-week immigration rule for migrant workers forces them to leave Hong Kong within 14 days after their contract is terminated. As a result, many workers are afraid to report abuse for fear of being immediately deported and losing their livelihood.

There is a statutory monthly minimum wage for migrant domestic workers, but in reality, their hourly wage is far below that of other Hong Kong workers and has not kept pace with the high cost of living and inflation.

Migrant domestic workers on their day off in Hong Kong, on November 11, 2023. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.
Migrant domestic workers on their day off in Hong Kong, on November 11, 2023. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.

Indonesia also prohibits employment agencies from charging migrant workers placement fees, while Hong Kong only allows agencies to deduct at most 10 per cent from workers’ first-month salaries. But in practice, some workers have to spend their entire wages for four to five months to pay agencies HK$ 20,000 to HK$25,000 in placement fees.

The language used by the governments often contrasts with reality.

The Hong Kong government still calls migrant workers “foreign domestic helpers” – a term that minimises their contribution as “help” rather than work. “Helper” erases the importance of the labour of migrant domestic workers and their significant contribution to Hong Kong’s economy and the households that employ them.

Meanwhile, the Indonesian government praises migrant domestic workers as “remittance heroes.” However, for many workers, it covers up the reality of being treated as commodities.

What We Carry, Under the Same Sky reveals that behind those beautiful terms and high-rise buildings in Hong Kong, these migrant women carry burdens, sweat and tears. Their stories are repeated and remain the same from year to year, decade to decade.

On International Domestic Workers Day, which falls on June 16, we encourage people and governments in Hong Kong and Indonesia to appreciate and celebrate the deep commitment of migrant domestic workers who leave their own families to take care of other families.

While this is a mutually beneficial relationship, migrant workers deserve deep appreciation, respect, and understanding of their rights, sacrifices, and struggles.

Without migrant domestic workers, employers will find it impossible to have both a career and take care of their children and elderly parents.

The responsibility of looking after others’ children, parents and home has been borne by invisible workers, often called “maids,” “servants,” or “helpers.” Yet they are more. They are workers who deserve respect, as well as fair and just treatment.


Sringatin is an Indonesian migrant domestic worker and labour activist in Hong Kong. She is the secretary of the Indonesian Migrant Workers Union (IMWU) and spokesperson for the Asian Migrants Coordinating Body (AMCB). In 2014, she was named by the South China Morning Post as one of the Top 10 Local Heroes.

MICROLAB is a shared space to cultivate collaboration between grassroots migrants, academics, artists and service providers hosted in the Department of English and Communication at the Hong Kong Polytechnic University. It is collaboratively run by the Network of Indonesian Migrant Workers (JBMI) leaders Sringatin and Jepy, Professor Lydia Catedral, Francis Catedral, Yvonne Zhu and Yuyan Liang.

HKFP is an impartial platform & does not necessarily share the views of opinion writers or advertisers. HKFP presents a diversity of views & regularly invites figures across the political spectrum to write for us. Press freedom is guaranteed under the Basic Law, security law, Bill of Rights and Chinese constitution. Opinion pieces aim to constructively point out errors or defects in the government, law or policies, or aim to suggest ideas or alterations via legal means without an intention of hatred, discontent or hostility against the authorities or other communities.

Public consultation for Hong Kong’s 5-year plan offers golden chance to step up city’s sustainability game

9 May 2026 at 02:00
Basel Kirmani 5-year plan op-ed featured image

It’s doubly exciting to see that Chief Executive John Lee is launching a public consultation for Hong Kong’s inaugural five-year plan.

The first reason for excitement is that we’ve just experienced a pretty well-run public consultation; the recently updated Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan generated a lot of submissions from NGOs, companies, and members of the public.

Chief Executive John Lee
Chief Executive John Lee at a weekly press conference on October 14, 2025. Photo: Tom Grundy/HKFP.

The Agriculture, Fisheries and Conservation Department (AFCD) seems to have done a good job of taking those submissions into account. In short, we’ve seen a proof of concept that public consultations seem to be effective.

The second reason for excitement is that China takes sustainability quite seriously in both word and deed. In aligning with China, the Hong Kong government has a golden opportunity to step up its sustainability game.

The outline of China’s 15th Five-Year Plan is 83 pages long. However, just as a very rough indicator of how seriously the topic is taken, Article 1, Chapter 1, Section 1 includes several comments about the energy transition and pollution.

Sustainability is considered important enough a topic to warrant some space in the prime real estate of those first few paragraphs, rubbing shoulders with big hitters like GDP and life expectancy. 

It might not be very scientific to measure a topic’s importance by which paragraph it lies in, but it is incredibly refreshing to see sustainability topics getting headline treatment instead of being tucked away on page 18.

A Chinese national flag and a Hong Kong SAR flag in the city on September 30, 2025, a day before the People's Republic of China marks 86 years since its founding on October 1, 1949. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.
A Chinese national flag and a Hong Kong SAR flag in the city. File photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.

In a similar vein, the top number in the Key Indicators of Economic and Social Development is GDP. However, in that very same table, there are binding objectives for carbon intensity goals, PM2.5 levels, and forest cover.

I get the sense that these are not just handwaved in order to hit a game of buzzword bingo – something that corporations are frequently guilty of. Rigorous thought has been put into integrating sustainability into the Five-Year Plan.

At the April 21 press conference, when Lee talked about the public consultation for the five-year plan, sustainability, carbon and pollution were not mentioned at all. Of course, GDP growth and the perennial issues of housing and education are all vital issues that need to be addressed.

However, if we’re talking in terms of five-year plans, it’s probably worth noting that in five years from now, the world needs to have carbon emissions at half of what they are today. And that in 25 years from now – just five more five-year plans away! – we need to be at net zero. Sustainability is vital too.

Of course, Hong Kong’s tiny landmass is not home to vast factories, refineries or farms. Most of the carbon that we emit is from producing electricity to power the towers that are our homes and offices.

So while emulating the priority that sustainability is afforded in China’s five-year plan is important, copy-pasting it wholesale would miss important nuance: that Hong Kong’s carbon shadow is much larger than our territorial footprint.

We import almost everything – food, energy, goods, and even water. The spectre of our carbon emissions haunts not only what we consume, but also the vast amounts of financing that flow across the world from our international financial centre.

Hong Kong's Lion Rock is seen behind the densely packed buildings of Kowloon on July 6, 2023. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.
Hong Kong’s Lion Rock is seen behind the densely packed buildings of Kowloon. Photo: Kyle Lam/HKFP.

Sustainability in Hong Kong is not just about plonking a few solar panels down; it’s a much deeper question about consumption and green finance.

That’s not to diminish the role of sustainability in our own territory; there’s plenty of room for more ambition, not just in carbon but with other forms of pollution.

For example, the Municipal Solid Waste charging scheme’s failure to progress beyond the pilot study means that there’s little push to reduce waste at source.

While it’s true that landfill rates are going down, incineration is going up – in other words, the generation of trash is not slowing down, but is instead just being diverted to the landfill in the sky. That’s not a long-term solution.

I hasten to add that putting sustainability higher on the agenda is not just important for the Hong Kong government. Company boards and executive teams ought to be discussing sustainability during their strategy meetings.

Hopefully, seeing sustainability high on the agenda in the government’s five-year plan will light a fire under corporations to up their sustainability game too.

All told, the idea of a public consultation for Hong Kong’s five-year plan is a wonderful opportunity. Public consultations have a prior form in moving the needle – the Biodiversity Strategy Action Plan has demonstrated that.

And by aligning Hong Kong’s five-year plan with China’s, we can achieve one of the most important things of all – putting sustainability on the agenda.

HKFP is an impartial platform & does not necessarily share the views of opinion writers or advertisers. HKFP presents a diversity of views & regularly invites figures across the political spectrum to write for us. Press freedom is guaranteed under the Basic Law, security law, Bill of Rights and Chinese constitution. Opinion pieces aim to constructively point out errors or defects in the government, law or policies, or aim to suggest ideas or alterations via legal means without an intention of hatred, discontent or hostility against the authorities or other communities.

Trump chooses an unqualified director of national intelligence

President Trump has appointed Bill Pulte, an unqualified individual with no experience in intelligence or national security, as Acting Director of National Intelligence, prioritizing his own self-interest over America's national security.

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