Medellín, Colombia – Chihuahua state Attorney General César Jáuregui, resigned on Monday following the death of two CIA agents in a car crash in Mexico on April 19.
In a press conference announcing his resignation on Monday, Jáuregui admitted that there had been “omissions” in relation to the presence of the American agents in the country.
Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum earlier ordered an investigation into why the U.S. agents – who were apparently working with local authorities – wer
Medellín, Colombia – Chihuahua state Attorney General César Jáuregui, resigned on Monday following the death of two CIA agents in a car crash in Mexico on April 19.
In a press conference announcing his resignation on Monday, Jáuregui admitted that there had been “omissions” in relation to the presence of the American agents in the country.
Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum earlier ordered an investigation into why the U.S. agents – who were apparently working with local authorities – were in the country.
The two spies were returning from a drug raid in the El Pinal area of Chihuahua alongside Mexican security forces when the fatal crash occurred.
Following the crash, Sheinbaum said, “neither had formal accreditation to participate in operational activities” and one had entered the country as a tourist.
Attorney General Jáuregui had initially claimed that the U.S. operatives had been giving drone lessons in the mountains of Chihuahua, and had coincidentally got a ride with the police convoy..
U.S. President Donald Trump has long advocated for Washington’s involvement in Mexican anti-drug operations, but Sheinbaum has been opposed to U.S. forces or agents participating in domestic security operations, though she welcomes intelligence sharing.
Trump has threatened that the U.S. could “go it alone” in the case that Washington deems Mexico’s anti-cartel efforts insufficient.
Jáuregui is not the only Mexican official facing scrutiny for his involvement in covering up the unregulated presence of the CIA agents. The Governor of the state of Chihuahua, Maru Campos, was supposed to meet with the Senate of the Republic on Tuesday to clear up unknown details regarding the presence of the CIA agents in Mexico.
She was expected to explain the level of their participation in the operations, whether there were formal or informal agreements with U.S. agencies, the extent of the knowledge of the Mexican federal government, and if there was a potential exchange of sensitive information.
However, on Tuesday, Campos announced that she would not be attending the meeting, in order to “ensure the proper development of the ongoing proceedings, avoiding at all times the compromising of information of a confidential or classified nature.” She also reiterated that her conduct has “always been under the principles of legality and transparency.”
The deaths of the two agents and the circumstances surrounding it have raised tensions between Mexico and Washington, but Sheinbaum highlighted on Tuesday in her daily press conference that she does not desire “conflict” between the two nations.
Featured image description: Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua
Features image credits: On^ste82 via Wikimedia Commons
The Mexican military captured Audias Flores Silva, alias ‘El Jardinero’, on Monday – one of the top leaders of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG).
Flores Silva was considered to be one of the key candidates to succeed alias ‘El Mencho’, the former leader of the CJNG who was killed by authorities in February.
The drug lord’s arrest comes amid a wider crackdown by Mexican security forces against organized crime, driven partly by pressure from Washington.
According to authorities, Mo
The Mexican military captured Audias Flores Silva, alias ‘El Jardinero’, on Monday – one of the top leaders of the Jalisco New Generation Cartel (CJNG).
Flores Silva was considered to be one of the key candidates to succeed alias ‘El Mencho’, the former leader of the CJNG who was killed by authorities in February.
The drug lord’s arrest comes amid a wider crackdown by Mexican security forces against organized crime, driven partly by pressure from Washington.
According to authorities, Monday’s operation did not involve any shooting, injuries, or collateral damage. The military deployment included 120 direct action troops, four close air support helicopters, four fixed-wing aircraft, and two troop transport helicopters, with 400 naval personnel providing support.
The CJNG leader’s more than 60-strong escort group dispersed in different directions upon the arrival of security forces, attempting a tactical distraction maneuver, but the target was located through air and ground tracking.
Official footage of the operation shared by Omar García Harfuch, Secretary of Security and Citizen Protection of Mexico, shows the moment of the capture, with Flores Silva extracted from a roadside drainage conduit, where he was hiding. The arrest happened near El Mirador, a rural community in the western state of Nayarit.
Hours after the news became public, several stores and vehicles were set on fire across Nayarit. While the unrest fell short of the level of retaliation following the killing of ‘El Mencho’ in February 2026, the Government of Nayarit urged citizens to stay in their homes as a preventative measure.
A major blow to CJNG
The arrest was praised by the U.S. Ambassador to Mexico, Ronald Johnson, who congratulated Mexico’s Security Cabinet and Secretary of the Navy.
In 2021, the U.S. Drug Enforcement Agency offered a US$5 million reward for information leading to Audias Flores Silva’s arrest or conviction. Flores Silva was defined as “closely aligned” with former CJNG leader ‘El Mencho’, whose real name is Nemesio Oseguera Cervantes.
In June 2025, the U.S. Department of the Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) sanctioned Flores Silva, identifying him as a CJNG regional commander in charge of significant portions of territory in the states of Zacatecas, Guerrero, Nayarit, Jalisco, and Michoacán.
According to U.S. authorities, Flores Silva was in control of clandestine laboratories producing methamphetamine and other illicit drugs in central Jalisco and southern Zacatecas. In addition, Silva managed the logistics of cocaine trafficking operations from Central America through Mexico to the United States, including the supervision of several clandestine airstrips.
‘El Jardinero’ was also believed to have coordinated a deadly 2015 attack against Mexican police forces in Jalisco that left 15 agents dead.
Flores Silva’s arrest is a hard hit to CJNG, as security analysts considered him a potential successor to the group’s command after the death of ‘El Mencho’ last February.
“Flores Silva was the closest thing the CJNG had to a chief operating officer, the man who once ran Mencho’s personal security, managed the Pacific corridor’s labs and airstrips, oversaw a timeshare fraud network and U.S. money-laundering pipeline, and brokered the alliance with Los Chapitos after the Sinaloa civil war,” Chris Dalby, director of World of Crime and senior analyst at Dyami Security Intelligence, told Latin America Reports.
Authorities dealt a second blow to CJNG yesterday when the Special Forces of the Mexican Army and the National Guard detained César Alejandro N, alias “El Güero Conta”. He was identified as the main financial operator for ‘El Jardinero’ and accused of laundering money through companies and frontmen.
“Losing Silva alongside his financier on the same day hits the CJNG operationally and financially simultaneously. It doesn’t spell an end to the CJNG, however, and may actually help Juan Carlos Gonzalez Valencia secure leadership by removing a rival,” said Dalby.
Featured image description: Wanted poster for Audias Flores Silva, alias ‘El Jardinero’.
Featured image credit: Omar García Harfuch via Facebook.
Saint Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago — The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is grappling with a protracted period of regional tensions, tied to the new normal in international politics. In some respects, this moment is the bloc’s toughest test yet.
At a time when the unity of CARICOM is under growing strain, marked by a discernible shift in respect of interactional norms and diplomatic coherence pertaining to the foreign policy realm, St. Kitts and Nevis took up the mantle of Chair of the bloc.
Saint Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago — The Caribbean Community (CARICOM) is grappling with a protracted period of regional tensions, tied to the new normal in international politics. In some respects, this moment is the bloc’s toughest test yet.
At a time when the unity of CARICOM is under growing strain, marked by a discernible shift in respect of interactional norms and diplomatic coherence pertaining to the foreign policy realm, St. Kitts and Nevis took up the mantle of Chair of the bloc.
Arguably, the impacts of that strain on the regional grouping have had a profound effect on how Prime Minister of St. Kitts and Nevis Terrance Drew has approached his leadership role in CARICOM — on behalf of his country.
Drew is the Chairman of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM — for a six-month term that got underway this past January. As the bloc’s constituent treaty notes: “The Conference shall be the supreme Organ of the Community.”
In this framing, regional priorities are the rotating chairmanship’s main focus. Perhaps most consequentially, Drew is discharging his regional leadership responsibilities at a juncture when CARICOM member states are facing up to emergent geopolitical dynamics that have driven a wedge between them.
A wide (foreign policy) gap
CARICOM member states’ duelling perspectives on the high-stakes “Trump Corollary” to the Monroe Doctrine became a consequential, foreign policy-related sticking point that placed the bloc in a months-long diplomatic rut.
This situation has weighed down the regional grouping, making its members’ efforts to cohesively contend with an international order that is undergoing a seismic change that much more difficult. (The international system last experienced change on such a scale at the Cold War’s end, which also precipitated the demise of bipolarity and ushered in the now erstwhile unipolar moment.)
While most CARICOM member states have responded to that Doctrine with suspicion and trepidation, some have offered full-throated support. The former subset of member states are standing their ground in respect of long-established CARICOM foreign policy-related principles, which hinge on the shared desire of such small states to respect processes of international cooperation and multilateralism.
In contrast, Trinidad and Tobago has controversially thrown its support behind Washington in respect of the spiralling U.S.-Israeli war with Iran — which has been quelled by a tenuous cease-fire for now. Instructively, early on in that conflict, Barbados called for “restraint as Middle East tensions intensify.”
United Nations (UN) Secretary-General António Guterres has raised serious concerns about the conflict, too, as have many other stakeholders. Of note, legal experts have been sounding the alarm about what has transpired in the Middle East.
At the core of such concerns are breaches of the UN Charter — a document whose normative and legal standards are the traditional bedrock of the conduct of CARICOM member states’ international relations as small states. This is precisely why breaches of this Charter endanger these states in respect of the anarchic international system.
Few dynamics in this system undercut the UN Charter more than great powers behaving as if they have a license to do what they want without fear of the consequences.
This is why the U.S. military campaign that, according to the U.S. administration, sought to target illegal drug trafficking in the Caribbean by going after alleged “narco-trafficking” boats raised so many eyebrows within the CARICOM fold. (All along, of course, Venezuela’s Maduro regime was in Washington’s crosshairs.)
US Air Force special missions aviators display a US flag on a helicopter flying over the Caribbean Sea near Puerto Rico, Jan. 23, 2026. Image credit: U.S. Southern Command via X.
Trinidad and Tobago did not share those concerns, unequivocally supporting the U.S. military action that laid the groundwork for and resulted in the capture of Venezuela’s Nicolás Maduro.
The U.S. administration has rewarded Port-of-Spain for its foreign policy positioning, deepening security cooperation. This was a priority area of the most recent bilateral engagement between Trinidad and Tobago’s Prime Minister Kamla Persad-Bissessar and U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio — convened on the margins of the Fiftieth Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM.
What also stands out is Trinidad and Tobago’s inclusion in the Shield of the Americas initiative. Indeed, Port-of-Spain is over the moon with its participation in the recently held Shield of the Americas summit. Guyana is the only other CARICOM member state that the U.S. has included in this high-profile initiative.
With the two camps of CARICOM member states being far apart on key demands of the U.S., the status quo has fuelled mutual mistrust among members of the now five-plus-decade old grouping. It did not help that Washington operationalized the aforesaid Doctrine in invasive, heavy-handed security and foreign policy-related terms.
It is also the case that regional politics have focused intently on seeing the way forward, amidst widespread dissatisfaction with this difficult situation. Notably, upon the start of his term as CARICOM Chair, Drew sought to shift the situation in a positive direction. With an eye to preparing the ground for the success of the Fiftieth Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM, held under his chairmanship this past February, he piloted “a series of high-level engagements with regional leaders.”
Drew’s intent was to build goodwill among his fellow regional leaders, with a view to creating the conditions for them to all gather at this summit. In effect, those high-profile, face-to-face bilateral meetings held the promise of building “trust” and “shared purpose” in respect of the region’s leaders. He said as much.
Beyond ensuring that all CARICOM members’ respective leaders were at ‘the (summit) table’, Drew was also committed to having them primed for a productive exchange on key issues on the regional agenda.
Drew got his wish — at least in part. All his regional counterparts took part in the said summit; although, leaders of three of the bloc’s 14 sovereign member states departed early.
Consequently, closed-door deliberations that took the form of the leaders’ Retreat did not benefit from a full house.
The Retreat was a key component of the summit’s proceedings. This one-day, all-important session partly focused on geopolitical developments.
CARICOM member states did close ranks on some of the issues arising, which include Cuba policy. Their respective long-standing and wide-ranging bilateral relations with the Communist island have emerged as a diplomatic pressure point. In fact, several hold outs in the CARICOM fold have little choice but to accept Washington’s foreign policy line on how they should treat Havana vis-à-vis facets of those relations.
One day prior to that leaders’ Retreat, and as part of the summit’s proceedings, Rubio met in-person with CARICOM leaders. One important take away from these talks is that they resulted in an agreement on a contemporary Cooperation Framework, which is now earnestly in the works.
Signals emanating from the summit in question also called attention to the limits of CARICOM-based regionalism, with member states reaffirming their pragmatic approach to integration.
It is important to note that, with a nod to the Rose Hall Declaration on ‘Regional Governance and Integrated Development’, Prime Minister of Jamaica Andrew Holness drove this point home at the formal start of that very summit.
Regarding regional governance, the so-called Rose Hall Declaration states (in part): “The reaffirmation that CARICOM is a Community of Sovereign States, and of Territories able and willing to exercise the rights and assume the obligations of membership of the Community, and that the deepening of regional integration will proceed in this political and juridical context.”
Put differently, and as Terri-Ann Gilbert-Roberts notes in a 2013 scholarly work, there is a “strong aversion among political elites to delegating authority to supranational institutions — a legacy of the Federal Experiment.”
Prime Minister of Jamaica Andrew Holness addresses the 50th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM. Image credit: Office of the Prime Minister of Jamaica.
In his address to the Opening Ceremony of the summit under reference, Holness underscored the following: “For decades, an idealised narrative around Caribbean integration, while well-intentioned, has framed perhaps unrealistic expectations within our respective populations. It has also perhaps unintentionally diminished the genuine strengths of our existing arrangement, an association of independent states bound not by uniformity, but by shared purpose, mutual regard, and a deep history of collaboration.”
Yet it is equally important to recognize the tremendous achievements of a cohesively functioning CARICOM, as advanced (in large part) by regional summitry. Such summitry has long played a key role in member states’ broader efforts to coordinate with each other and partners, enabling dialogue that has paid off in spades over several decades.
Meetings of this kind are crucial for strengthening bilateral and multilateral ties and contributing to diplomatic solutions, now more than ever.
Holness himself seemed to signal as much, conveying the following perspective at the opening of the 50th Regular Meeting of the Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM: “We meet at a time when the speed of global change is outpacing the speed of regional coordination.”
This summit, per its communiqué, represents an important win for St. Kitts and Nevis and CARICOM as a whole.
Unity hopes suffer another blow
Yet what brought opportunity for coordination at a time of sharp tensions that are the cause of a foreign policy-related rift in CARICOM has also created yet another point of contention: The much-publicized controversy that has arisen surrounding the reappointment of the Secretary-General of CARICOM during the leaders’ Retreat.
This controversy has been brewing ever since Drew’s initial statement — issued on March 25th — regarding the reappointment of incumbent Secretary-General of CARICOM Carla Barnett for a second term of office beginning in August 2026.
The impasse runs deeper than procedural concerns over the reappointment of the Secretary-General and attendant matters, with CARICOM’s governance and operations having also come under the spotlight.
The headlines create the impression that there is little sign yet that a resolution is imminent.
The parties out-front on the matter have apparently doubled down on their respective positions, which have only hardened. In this regard, the latest missives (as of this writing) penned by Trinidad and Tobago Foreign Minister Sean Sobers (dated April 9th) and Drew (dated April 11th), respectively, come to mind. Although dispatched via diplomatic channels, the correspondence in question is now in the public domain.
While some political leaders are clashing publicly, others in the CARICOM fold are walking a tightrope on this issue.
High-level diplomatic efforts to see a way forward on what has become a significant bone of contention — with the potential to stymie CARICOM regionalism — will no doubt continue.
Opening Ceremony of the 50th Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM, St Kitts and Nevis. Image credit: CARICOM via Flickr
Rising to the challenge
And yet, CARICOM has not a moment to lose in effectively marshalling member states to contend with the resurgence of great-power politics. This spheres of influence-related development carries serious risks, which undercut a cornerstone of the postwar international order: multilateral cooperation.
These dynamics of contemporary international politics continue to turn the screws on CARICOM — and fast.
We are already seeing a key consequence of this turn of events: A new reality now shapes CARICOM diplomacy — already under strain from the aforementioned foreign policy-related rift in the bloc.
In short, the shift within the grouping in respect of interactional norms and diplomatic coherence pertaining to the foreign policy realm exposes seemingly deep divisions in relation to worldviews.
History shows that such moments do not augur well for the bloc. One could draw a historical parallel with the U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983, which stoked tensions within and had far-reaching impacts on the region.
Clearly, key foreign policy-related setbacks within today’s CARICOM fit a longer pattern. Even so, their ever-widening rifts ought not to become a fixture in the scheme of things either.
While there was much-needed discussion at the summit under reference about geopolitical developments, along with a nod to the rationale qua nature of the bloc itself, CARICOM needs to work through how it can better rise to the challenge of navigating the return of great-power politics.
In years ahead, the new normal in international politics will likely continue to undermine the UN Charter.
The stakes are high for such small states at this moment, and all concerned need to take a long, hard look at the issues arising.
There is increasing recognition in CARICOM foreign policy circles that, facing rising risks, the bloc needs to get a handle on the current state of affairs.
When CARICOM foreign ministers meet next month, they will likely continue to try to work things through.
Featured image: 50th Conference of Heads of Government of CARICOM. Photo of CARICOM Leaders with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio.
Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s prison system has long been criticized for its poor conditions, ranging from overcrowding and procedural delays to unsanitary environments and allegations of abuse.
These concerns are again mounting following the deaths in recent days of nine detainees in various detention centers across the country.
The first case involves five deaths inside the Yare III prison in the state of Miranda, as confirmed on April 20 by the Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs.
Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s prison system has long been criticized for its poor conditions, ranging from overcrowding and procedural delays to unsanitary environments and allegations of abuse.
These concerns are again mounting following the deaths in recent days of nine detainees in various detention centers across the country.
The first case involves five deaths inside the Yare III prison in the state of Miranda, as confirmed on April 20 by the Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs.
After several hours of silence and conflicting reports, the agency issued a statement indicating that the deaths were the result of a fight inside the prison.
The victims were identified as Keivin Matamoros, Eliecer Córdoba, Erkin Ramos, José Andrade, and Jean Carlos Jiménez.
Screenshot of statement from Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs via Instagram
The Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP) last week requested that an investigation be conducted to clarify what had occurred. Furthermore, they noted that relatives of the detainees did not believe the government’s version of events, as the deceased reportedly suffered gunshot wounds.
“These allegations are particularly alarming in a prison where the state exercises total control and where the entry of weapons cannot be explained without the participation, tolerance, or negligence of the custodial authorities,” the observatory stated.
For this reason, the organization demanded that Ángel de Castro, the director of the Yare III prison, be removed from office.
It also called for the prison to be placed under the supervision of a commission comprising the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Ombudsman’s Office, the Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), based in Caracas, to verify the current detention conditions, guarantee the lives and safety of the inmates, and ensure transparency in the investigation of the recent killings.
Family members of other prisoners have also publicly asked authorities if anyone else was injured in the incident and, if so, what their condition is.
Tras horas de incertidumbre y exigencias de fe de vida por parte de familiares, el Ministerio para el Servicio Penitenciario confirmó la muerte de cinco personas privadas de libertad en Yare III, ocurrida el #20Abr en medio de una situación irregular dentro del penal.
— Observatorio Venezolano de Prisiones (@oveprisiones) April 21, 2026
The OVP has documented human rights violations at this prison before.
The complaints they have received indicate that there have been incidents of torture and cruel and inhuman treatment, such as beatings with a bat called “human rights” and prolonged confinement in the “tigrito” cell, a space devoid of light and ventilation.
Four deaths in recent days
In a separate case, the OVP reported on April 21 the death of Rosqui Norberto Escalon (71), who it claims was the victim of a series of irregularities at the Uribana prison in the state of Lara in northern Venezuela.
They noted that the inmate died on the way back to the prison, after officials allegedly forced his medical discharge despite his frailty.
The man’s body was allegedly left on the floor of the Barquisimeto Central Hospital by guards. The incident was captured on video, which has gone viral on social media.
#DenunciaOVP Rosqui Norberto Escalona, de 71 años de edad, privado de libertad en el Centro Penitenciario David Viloria, Uribana #Lara, murió bajo condiciones de absoluta crueldad. Desde el viernes #17Abr el septuagenario presentaba graves padecimientos de salud, que… pic.twitter.com/lsOpIl22xK
— Observatorio Venezolano de Prisiones (@oveprisiones) April 22, 2026
Similar deaths were also reported:
Yelamo Zárraga José Ramón’s death inside the Tocuyito Prison, the country’s largest penitentiary, was reported on April 24.
Deivi Enrique García’s death at Rodeo IV was reported on April 20.
Ovidio José Madriz Mendoza’s death at Rodeo III was also reported April 20.
The OVP stated that these individuals “died in circumstances marked by a lack of timely medical care and degrading living conditions. They, too, are victims of state negligence.”
Featured image: Prisoners in Venezuela.
Image credit: The Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP) website.
Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s interim President Delcy Rodríguez announced that the country’s so-called amnesty law, which aims to free political prisoners detained during the regime of Nicolás Maduro, will come to an end just two months after its approval in February.
During an April 24 event at Miraflores Palace, the presidential headquarters, the president said, “This amnesty law is coming to an end. For those cases that were not covered, or rather, were expressly excluded, there are
Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s interim President Delcy Rodríguez announced that the country’s so-called amnesty law, which aims to free political prisoners detained during the regime of Nicolás Maduro, will come to an end just two months after its approval in February.
During an April 24 event at Miraflores Palace, the presidential headquarters, the president said, “This amnesty law is coming to an end. For those cases that were not covered, or rather, were expressly excluded, there are other avenues through which they can be addressed.”
She also noted, “In the Democratic Coexistence and Peace Program—from which some members have moved to the Executive Branch—there is a forum for addressing cases related to justice. The same applies to the Commission for Criminal Justice Reform.”
At the meeting, Rodríguez said that some 8,616 people had been freed under the amnesty law, the BBC reported.
According to Foro Penal, an NGO that monitors political detentions in the country, 473 political prisoners remain in jail. (Other NGOs have counted as many as 670 political prisoners still in custody). Many of their family members are worried about their fates as the sun goes down on the amnesty law.
Other NGOs, such as the Venezuelan Program for Education and Action on Human Rights (Provea), have been more forceful, rejecting Rodríguez’s statements and characterizing the move as a major setback for the country.
“This constitutes an arbitrary and unconstitutional measure that does not contribute to the process of coexistence and peace that has been announced,” the organization wrote.
It added that, despite its limitations, “the Amnesty Law is a first step toward dismantling the repressive framework that has stifled the rights of the Venezuelan people in recent years.”
The organization argues that an instrument such as amnesty for political prisoners must be part of any process of reinstitutionalization in the country.
“It should be a first step in that direction, but it is not a prerequisite for the full release of all those deprived of their liberty for political reasons,” Provea noted.
Featured image: Families of political prisoners protest in Caracas in February 2026.
Image credit: Julio Blanca for Latin America Reports
Medellin, Colombia — On Tuesday, a group of more than two thousand migrants, mainly of Haitian origin, reportedly left the southeastern city of Tapachula in Chiapas, on their way to cities in central and northern Mexico.
In years past, migrant caravans traversing Mexico were usually destined for the United States. But following the second Trump administration’s tightening of asylum policy, this goal has become more unrealistic, and Mexico has increasingly become a destination country for migra
Medellin, Colombia — On Tuesday, a group of more than two thousand migrants, mainly of Haitian origin, reportedly left the southeastern city of Tapachula in Chiapas, on their way to cities in central and northern Mexico.
In years past, migrant caravans traversing Mexico were usually destined for the United States. But following the second Trump administration’s tightening of asylum policy, this goal has become more unrealistic, and Mexico has increasingly become a destination country for migrants, according to the International Organization for Migration (IOM).
Some of the people who make up the “David” caravan have spent weeks or more in southern Mexico, waiting to normalize their migration status to be able to move more freely in Mexico, according to migrant news website Conexión Migrante. The process can be slow as Mexico fields more asylum requests.
According to the UNHCR, between 2020 and 2024, there were almost 500,000 asylum requests in Mexico, a number that has resulted in long delays from the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance (COMAR) and the National Institute of Migration (INM).
As of September 2025, there were more than 58,800 new asylum claims, and COMAR had increased its processing capacity fivefold since 2018.
Between October 1 2024 and June 30 2025, there were 142,145 requests for humanitarian visas in Mexico, but only 5,191 were granted, according to the INM Strategic Plan.
The bureaucratic problems pre-date Trump’s immigration crackdown in his second term.
In 2020, the COVID-19 pandemic forced COMAR to suspend activity, accumulating a backlog of asylum petitions. Exacerbating the issue was Trump’s January 2025 suspension of the CBP One digital asylum-seeking app in the U.S., followed by budget cuts to COMAR from the Mexican government as well as the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR).
Via a Whatsapp group organized for the caravan, many members cited extreme delays for processing asylum applications as a motive for heading north from Mexico’s southern border. Lack of employment and cost of living were also cited, according to Conexión Migrante.
Without documentation, many foreign migrants are stuck in a legal limbo, where they run the risk of being stopped by authorities, deported or sent back to the southern border with Guatemala.
Migrants have also been targeted by criminal groups for kidnapping and extortion, with ProPublica reporting that this problem has entered a new phase in terms of scale and character. Migrants’ undefined legal status also often forces them to work long hours with lower pay, according to the International Rescue Committee.
Since Claudia Sheinbaum took office in October 2024, there have been 18 migrant caravans leaving from Tapachula, though none of them have made it further than Oaxaca, the state neighbouring Chiapas.
At the end of March, the ‘Genesis’ migrant caravan set off from Tapachula, but it was intercepted after 12 days and dissolved by the INM.
According to local news outlet Diario del Sur, on Thursday, the David caravan arrived in Escuintla, Chiapas after three days of walking, where members will rest before continuing the journey.
Many migrants were demonstrating signs of extreme physical exhaustion, and approximately thirty who fell behind the main group have been sent back to Tapachula, where they remain under the custody of the authorities, according to Reporteros del Sur.
Featured image description: David migrant caravan in Mexico
As the global sustainable forestry industry grows, driven by a carbon credit market expected to reach US$19.9 trillion by 2035, long-term conservation projects in Latin American countries like Peru are taking off.
The Slalom Foundation – part of the global digital consulting firm Slalom – operated a fund of over US$10 million and recently awarded more than $200,000 to impact initiatives in Latin America, Africa, and the U.S.
Among those receiving the fresh Slalom Foundation funds is the Fores
As the global sustainable forestry industry grows, driven by a carbon credit market expected to reach US$19.9 trillion by 2035, long-term conservation projects in Latin American countries like Peru are taking off.
The Slalom Foundation – part of the global digital consulting firm Slalom – operated a fund of over US$10 million and recently awarded more than $200,000 to impact initiatives in Latin America, Africa, and the U.S.
Among those receiving the fresh Slalom Foundation funds is the Forest Stewardship Council Investments & Partnerships (FSC). The FSC has been working with the Peruvian National Service of Natural Protected Areas (SERNANP) to certify 7.4 million hectares of national parks and Peruvian Amazon ecosystems.
Through its Certification Initiative, the FSC has set up shop in Peru, recently announcing a brand new conservation facility, which will streamline the certification process of national parks and conservation areas in the country.
The FSC Certification Initiative has already committed US$1.7 million in 2026 to high-value areas in Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia. As it seeks new partners to scale impact, it welcomes Slalom Foundation’s donation and funding for Peru.
“We are profoundly honored to receive the climatic subsidy from the Slalom Foundation in support of the Fund for Conservation of the FSC,” said Jen Opie, deputy executive director of FSC Investments & Partnerships. “This investment accelerates our certifying capabilities to protect some of the most critical conservation areas in the world throughout Latin America, including Peru.”
Today, sustainable forestry and conservation efforts are tied to the global carbon credit offsetting market.
A Precedence Research report released in February estimated that the global carbon credit market is worth US$1.3 trillion and expected to grow to $19.9 trillion by 2035, expanding at a CAGR of 35.80% in the same period.
While North America is expected to see the fastest growth, and Europe holds the largest share of the market, Latin America stands out for its untapped potential, as sectors like aviation and big tech — seeking to offset new energy-hungry AI data center operations – drive demand.
Within this market, forestry conservation projects lead the way.
The Slalom Foundation said that the organizations benefiting from their recent investment are setting in motion groundbreaking conservation and ecological programs, helping families and women access essential services, and promoting technological certifications that support local wealth and economic development.
“These environments often face significant barriers when trying to access the necessary resources to unblock financing for long term conservation,” said Opie from FSC. “The collaboration with Slalom reinforces our shared commitment to safeguarding biodiversity, promoting climate resilience, and supporting local communities, whose stewardship is essential to global climate goals,” she added.
“Together, we are scaling credible and verifiable nature-based climate solutions at a time when decisive action has never been more urgent,” concluded Opie.
Featured image description: Aerial view of the Amazon Rainforest.
Featured image credit: FSC.
Disclosure: This article mentions a client of an Espacio portfolio company.
As the global sustainable forestry industry grows, driven by a carbon credit market expected to reach US$19.9 trillion by 2035, long-term conservation projects in Latin American countries like Peru are taking off.
The Slalom Foundation – part of the global digital consulting firm Slalom – operated a fund of over US$10 million and recently awarded more than $200,000 to impact initiatives in Latin America, Africa, and the U.S.
Among those receiving the fresh Slalom Foundation funds is the Fores
As the global sustainable forestry industry grows, driven by a carbon credit market expected to reach US$19.9 trillion by 2035, long-term conservation projects in Latin American countries like Peru are taking off.
The Slalom Foundation – part of the global digital consulting firm Slalom – operated a fund of over US$10 million and recently awarded more than $200,000 to impact initiatives in Latin America, Africa, and the U.S.
Among those receiving the fresh Slalom Foundation funds is the Forest Stewardship Council Investments & Partnerships (FSC). The FSC has been working with the Peruvian National Service of Natural Protected Areas (SERNANP) to certify 7.4 million hectares of national parks and Peruvian Amazon ecosystems.
Through its Certification Initiative, the FSC has set up shop in Peru, recently announcing a brand new conservation facility, which will streamline the certification process of national parks and conservation areas in the country.
The FSC Certification Initiative has already committed US$1.7 million in 2026 to high-value areas in Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia. As it seeks new partners to scale impact, it welcomes Slalom Foundation’s donation and funding for Peru.
“We are profoundly honored to receive the climatic subsidy from the Slalom Foundation in support of the Fund for Conservation of the FSC,” said Jen Opie, deputy executive director of FSC Investments & Partnerships. “This investment accelerates our certifying capabilities to protect some of the most critical conservation areas in the world throughout Latin America, including Peru.”
Today, sustainable forestry and conservation efforts are tied to the global carbon credit offsetting market.
A Precedence Research report released in February estimated that the global carbon credit market is worth US$1.3 trillion and expected to grow to $19.9 trillion by 2035, expanding at a CAGR of 35.80% in the same period.
While North America is expected to see the fastest growth, and Europe holds the largest share of the market, Latin America stands out for its untapped potential, as sectors like aviation and big tech — seeking to offset new energy-hungry AI data center operations – drive demand.
Within this market, forestry conservation projects lead the way.
The Slalom Foundation said that the organizations benefiting from their recent investment are setting in motion groundbreaking conservation and ecological programs, helping families and women access essential services, and promoting technological certifications that support local wealth and economic development.
“These environments often face significant barriers when trying to access the necessary resources to unblock financing for long term conservation,” said Opie from FSC. “The collaboration with Slalom reinforces our shared commitment to safeguarding biodiversity, promoting climate resilience, and supporting local communities, whose stewardship is essential to global climate goals,” she added.
“Together, we are scaling credible and verifiable nature-based climate solutions at a time when decisive action has never been more urgent,” concluded Opie.
Featured image description: Aerial view of the Amazon Rainforest.
Featured image credit: FSC.
Disclosure: This article mentions a client of an Espacio portfolio company.
Bogotá, Colombia – Colombian President Gustavo Petro arrived in Caracas today to meet with his counterpart in Venezuela, Interim President Delcy Rodríguez.
The visit makes Petro the first world leader to visit the South American nation since the United States captured longtime strongman Nicolás Maduro in a military operation on January 3.
Petro and Rodríguez are expected to discuss bilateral issues including energy and security cooperation on their more than 1,300 mile shared border.
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Bogotá, Colombia – Colombian President Gustavo Petro arrived in Caracas today to meet with his counterpart in Venezuela, Interim President Delcy Rodríguez.
The visit makes Petro the first world leader to visit the South American nation since the United States captured longtime strongman Nicolás Maduro in a military operation on January 3.
Petro and Rodríguez are expected to discuss bilateral issues including energy and security cooperation on their more than 1,300 mile shared border.
The Colombian president landed in Caracas on Friday afternoon with his Foreign Minister, Rosa Yolanda Villavicencio, and Defense Minister, Pedro Sánchez.
The delegation from Bogotá has been meeting with Rodríguez and her Interior Minister, Diosdado Cabello, alongside Foreign Minister Yván Gil at the Palacio de Miraflores – Venezuela’s presidential palace.
Petro and Rodríguez were flanked by top officials at their meeting. Image courtesy of @InfoPresidencia via X
Petro and Rodríguez were scheduled to meet in Cúcuta, a Colombian city bordering Venezuela, in March but the Venezuelan president cancelled at the last minute citing security concerns.
Then last Friday, the Colombian leader announced he would head to Venezuela, saying, “If Mohammed won’t come to me, I’ll go to the mountain.”
The primary purpose of the meeting is strengthening security cooperation, according to the Petro administration.
“The aim of this meeting is for both governments to make progress on a joint plan to strengthen security and intelligence in the border area,” wrote the Office of the President in a post on X today.
The sprawling frontier is a hotbed for guerrilla activity and is largely controlled by the Colombian National Liberation Army (ELN), a rebel group involved in drug trafficking and illegal mining on both sides of the border.
The ELN was known to have ties to the Maduro regime but the Venezuelan government is under pressure from the U.S. to crack down on the rebel group, which Washington considers a “terrorist organization.”
While the Petro administration maintains the importance of strengthening bilateral cooperation, the meeting has perturbed many in the Venezuelan exile community in Colombia.
“President Gustavo Petro’s visit to Venezuela, particularly his meeting with Delcy Rodríguez, raises serious concerns among Venezuelans,” Juan Carlos Viloria Doria, President of the Global Alliance for Human Rights and Vice-President of Venezuelans in Barranquilla, told Latin America Reports.
He noted that many Venezuelans do not consider Rodríguez to be a legitimate leader, describing her as “an extension of the regime led by Nicolás Maduro.”
“In this regard, such visits can be interpreted as a political endorsement or a form of international legitimization of a situation in Venezuela that still lacks adequate democratic guarantees,” maintained Viloria.
Petro and Rodríguez greet reporters. Image courtesy of @InfoPresidencia via X
There has also been pressure in Colombia for Petro to mediate the release of 16 Colombian citizens jailed in Venezuela.
The families of those detained allege the arrests were made “without a court order or evidence” and say their loved ones have faced human rights violations including torture.
While there has been an easing in repression following Maduro’s ouster, Venezuela remains an authoritarian state and rights groups continue to denounce abuses.
“The least that we Venezuelans expect is that [the meeting] be used as an opportunity to demand concrete progress on human rights and democracy,” said Viloria.
“Any dialogue or rapprochement must be aimed at improving the living conditions of the Venezuelan people and fostering a genuinely democratic transition, not at consolidating contested power structures.”
Featured image description: Colombian President Gustavo Petro and Venezuelan Interim President Delcy Rodríguez at a meeting in Caracas on April 24, 2026.
Bogotá, Colombia – The first global summit on “Transitioning away from Fossil Fuels” kicked off today in Santa Marta, Colombia, with 50 country delegations and dozens of civil society organizations in attendance.
Unlike other climate conferences, the six-day meeting will focus on implementing measures to end dependence on oil, coal, and gas, rather than negotiating international environmental commitments.
The summit comes at a pivotal time for global energy, with conflict in the Middle Ea
Bogotá, Colombia – The first global summit on “Transitioning away from Fossil Fuels” kicked off today in Santa Marta, Colombia, with 50 country delegations and dozens of civil society organizations in attendance.
Unlike other climate conferences, the six-day meeting will focus on implementing measures to end dependence on oil, coal, and gas, rather than negotiating international environmental commitments.
The summit comes at a pivotal time for global energy, with conflict in the Middle East restricting oil and gas supplies and creating economic woes for countries reliant on fossil fuels.
Because of the ongoing oil turmoil, the conference came at the “best possible moment” to shift world opinion towards renewables, said Colombia’s environment minister Irene Vélez.
Talking to the UK’s Guardian newspaper this week, the minister, who was a prime mover of the conference, said nations were “at a fork in the road” in their choices between clean power sources such as solar or wind, or continuing to back fossil fuels that created climate crises and conflict.
It promised to be a “coalition of the willing”, said the minister, providing a road map to support nations already dedicated to transitioning from fossil fuels.
The conference organizers were combative in refusing to invite nations and organizations wedded to climate change denial.
“Whatever nations have not yet taken that decision, then this is not the space for them. We are not going to have boycotters or climate denialists at the table,” Vélez told the Guardian.
Behind the conference is the Fossil Fuel Treaty Initiative, an alliance of nation states, technical bodies, communities and individuals “working to secure a global just transition from coal, oil and gas”.
According to the initiative, globally nations were planning to extract 120% more fossil fuels by 2030 than the “amount consistent with managing the impacts of climate change” – taking warming past the point of survival.
“The science is unequivocal. For the last decade, oil, gas, and coal have been responsible for 86% of the CO2 pollution heating our planet, as well as causing one in five deaths worldwide from fossil fueled-air pollution.”
Delegates at the inauguration of the fossil fuel conference on Friday. Image credit: @MinAmbienteCo via X
For three decades global climate negotiations had focused on managing the symptoms of the crisis — fossil fuel emissions — while ignoring its root cause: the unchecked proliferation of oil, gas, and coal extraction.
This was a theme picked up by Kevin Koenig, director of climate and energy at Amazon Watch, a California-based nonprofit supporting indigenous communities attending the conference.
The last major summit, COP 30, was held last year in Brazil and saw “fossil fuel lobbyists outnumbering country delegates” he told Latin America Reports, adding that declarations at the end of that meeting “barely mentioned fossil fuels at all”.
In Santa Marta he expected things to be different: “This is the conference that is finally going to address the elephant in the room and get to the source of the climate change problem.”
Several factors were contributing to a momentum towards renewables, added Koenig, with recent data showing that cities and even whole countries have run for weeks off renewable energy as the Middle East crisis exposes the dangers of oil addiction.
“This is the moment where we are seeing both wars linked to fossil fuels politics and dependencies, but also for the first time renewables energies are not just theoretical, they are real, and decision-makers know they are scalable,” said Koenig.
This was supported by data from the Center for Energy and Clean Air, which reported that global power generation from fossil fuels fell in the first month after the U.S.- Iran conflict closed the Strait of Hormuz – a vital waterway for oil tankers – while energy generated by solar and wind power increased.
Another conference goal was to identify economic and legal barriers to transitioning to renewables, said Koenig.
An example was the hegemony of interconnected global norms feeding fossil fuel dependence, such as arbitration laws that punished small countries in international courts if they attempted to free themselves from big oil contracts. This architecture kept countries dependent, he said.
“Countries transitioning get beat up in arbitration courts or penalized by credit rating agencies. When Ecuadorians voted to keep fossil fuels in the ground, for example, their credit rating went down.”
In countries like Colombia, fossil fuels were also linked to localized conflict and armed groups, explained Koenig; over 30 years Amazon Watch has supported many indigenous communities under attack for defending their territories against drilling.
“Some countries use oil extraction as a reason to open areas, saying ‘we can militarize it and it will be safer’. In fact, oil and energy infrastructure are a magnet for armed groups, for political attacks or blackmail,” he explained.
Inga indigenous guards in Putumayo, Colombia. Their traditional lands are under threat from oil exploration and illegal mining. Photo: Steve Hide.
That dynamic was more visible than ever on the world stage.
“Fossil fuels are fueling dictatorships, violence, conflict and authoritarian regimes,” said Koenig. “The Middle East crisis underscores the urgency to transition.”
“Yes, abandoning fossil fuels is about climate – but also about security and democracy.”
Featured image description: Delegates register at the fossil fuel conference in Santa Marta on April 24, 2026.
Caracas, Venezuela — Nearly a month has passed since the 90-day limit on Delcy Rodríguez’s term as acting president of Venezuela expired. Now, various opposition groups are calling for presidential elections amid political uncertainty in the country.
The matter of how elections should proceed — if at all — is complicated by a number of issues including disputed results in Venezuela’s 2024 elections and the United States’ capture and arrest of President Nicolás Maduro on January 3.
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Caracas, Venezuela — Nearly a month has passed since the 90-day limit on Delcy Rodríguez’s term as acting president of Venezuela expired. Now, various opposition groups are calling for presidential elections amid political uncertainty in the country.
The matter of how elections should proceed — if at all — is complicated by a number of issues including disputed results in Venezuela’s 2024 elections and the United States’ capture and arrest of President Nicolás Maduro on January 3.
Roberto Abdul, a political activist who helped organize primary elections for Venezuela’s opposition movement in 2023 and was detained by the government that same year, told Latin America Reports that the legitimacy of Maduro’s presidency plays a role in the current debate surrounding Rodríguez, who was Maduro’s vice president at the time of his capture.
He said that “While the [National Electoral Council] did not present the [voter] tally sheet” to prove Maduro’s victory in elections, the opposition did manage “to present nearly 83% of the tally sheets issued by the machines” showing their candidate, Edmundo González, won the elections.
Because Venezuelan vice presidents are not elected but rather appointed by the president, as a Maduro appointee, the question around the legitimacy of Rodríguez’s position within the government further muddies the waters.
“Therein lies the problem from a constitutional standpoint,” he said.
Further, Article 233 of the country’s Constitution distinguishes between the temporary and permanent absence of a president, while Article 234 outlines the procedure for governing the country in the president’s absence.
According to Article 234, in the event of a temporary absence, the vice president takes control of the government for a period of 90 days — a period which can be extended by the legislature for another 90 days.
However, if the president’s temporary absence lasts for more than 90 days, the National Assembly (Venezuela’s legislature) must decide by a majority vote whether the president’s absence should be considered permanent, which would initiate new elections within a 30-day period.
Abdul explained that the unprecedented circumstances surrounding Maduro’s absence are frustrating the very definition of his absence.
On January 3, U.S. special forces teams assaulted Venezuela’s capital, Caracas, and captured Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and took them by sea and air to New York to face drug trafficking charges. The legality of the dictator’s rendition has been questioned by international legal experts.
Maduro’s trial could take months, if not years, far exceeding the time limit for a temporary absence (maximum 180 days) afforded by Venezuela’s Constitution.
Due to this unique circumstance, there is a debate over how to apply Articles 233 and 234 to Maduro’s absence. Furthermore, Abdul points out that, given the lack of separation of powers, the interpretations of the Supreme Court and other bodies tend to be “biased” in favor of the Chavista government, rather than strictly adhering to the spirit of Constitutional law.
Nicolás Maduro and Delcy Rodríguez at an event in 2023. Image credit Delcy Rodríguez via X.
The National Assembly slow rolling the debate
The National Assembly, which is controlled by government loyalists, was supposed to begin debates around the expiration of Rodríguez’s first term as acting president between April 6 and 10. The debate has yet to take place, even though her term expired on April 5.
Jorge Rodríguez, president of the National Assembly and Delcy’s brother, has made comments suggesting that the legislature’s main focus is restarting Venezuela’s economy, and not new elections.
“The most important thing right now is the economy. It’s essential that the Venezuelan economy grows so dynamically that the population feels this entire process has been worthwhile,” the parliamentary leader told Spanish newspaper El País. “Furthermore, we are engaged in a profound dialogue with all opposition groups that remain within the bounds of the Constitution, including those living abroad. I couldn’t tell you exactly when, or even what the first election will be, because there’s so much to do.”
Other Maduro loyalists are also pushing back on holding elections. Diosdado Cabello, Minister of the Interior and Justice, said last week during an event, “Now they’re [the opposition] calling for elections because President Nicolás Maduro is completely absent. Well, you were telling us that Nicolás Maduro didn’t win [elections in 2024], so how is it that now you’re demanding the complete absence of someone who didn’t win?”
Even if the legislature declares Maduro’s absence permanent, Abdul argues there is much to do to ensure free and fair elections in Venezuela.
First, he said, the National Electoral Council (CNE) must appoint a new board which is the result of a bipartisan agreement. “We must try to ensure it adheres as closely as possible to the rules to generate the greatest credibility and the highest possible levels of legitimacy,” he stated.
Another important consideration, Abdul argued, is whether to hold only presidential elections, or a wider “mega-election” that would decide National Assembly seats, governorships, and mayoral offices.
Among other challenges facing any impending elections would be facilitating voting for the 4.5 to 5 million eligible Venezuelans living abroad; technical assistance from a foreign body like the United Nations to facilitate observation; and reversing political disqualifications and reinstating political parties that were banned during Maduro’s administration.
“It is a complex process, but it is achievable; it’s not like you’re sending someone to the moon out of thin air—it’s something we’ve already gone through,” Abdul concluded.
Featured image: Venezuela’s National Assembly votes on a law to streamline administrative procedures in March 2026.
Medellín, Colombia – Argentine President Javier Milei banned some 60 journalists from the country’s Presidential Palace today.
The formerly accredited reporters had their fingerprint access withdrawn from the building’s security system today, with Milei citing claims of espionage and Russian funding.
This is the latest in a pattern of repression of press freedom during Milei’s presidency, with rights groups denouncing increased harassment against members of the media.
According to loc
Medellín, Colombia – Argentine President Javier Milei banned some 60 journalists from the country’s Presidential Palace today.
The formerly accredited reporters had their fingerprint access withdrawn from the building’s security system today, with Milei citing claims of espionage and Russian funding.
This is the latest in a pattern of repression of press freedom during Milei’s presidency, with rights groups denouncing increased harassment against members of the media.
According to local media, the journalists who once reported from the government headquarters daily were told that they would not be permitted entry to la Casa Rosada on Thursday morning.
Milei attacked journalists on his X account, calling them “corrupt, bribed” and accusing them of “breaking security laws”.
The president and his followers have since circulated the slogan #NOSALP via X, meaning “No odiamos lo suficiente a los periodistas” (“We do not hate journalists enough”).
Milei justified the ban by citing a recent criminal complaint by the Casa Militar, the presidential security unit, against journalists from Todo Noticias (TN), a local news station.
Two TN journalists were accused of espionage after pictures from the interior of la Casa Rosada were broadcast on the news channel, something the Casa Militar claims could expose political or military secrets.
Javier Lanari, a member of Milei’s communications team, similarly claimed via X that today’s ban was a “precautionary measure following allegations of illegal espionage made by the Casa Militar.” No further details explaining the move were given and no official statement has been released.
This latest blanket ban also follows the prohibition earlier this month of journalists from various Argentinian outlets who were reported to have been involved in an alleged Russian disinformation campaign in the lead-up to the 2024 elections.
In the wake of Milei’s decision, members of Congress from across the political spectrum denounced the move, presenting a draft resolution calling for the immediate reopening of la Casa Rosada to the media.
Marcela Pagano – a lawmaker and former member of Milei’s party La Libertad Avanza – also filed a criminal complaint against the libertarian president later in the day, comparing the exceptional decision to the repression of the country’s military dictatorship.
“Restricting journalists’ freedom of expression is the first step towards silencing any dissenting voice, a situation we in Argentina have experienced during our country’s darkest hours,” she said via X.
Her criminal complaint accuses Milei, Lanari, and Sebastián Ignacio Ibáñez (head of the Casa Militar) of supporting a decision that constitutes “continuous and irreversible damage” to the “republican system, to freedom of the press, to the right to public information and to the professional practice of journalism.”
Featured image credit: AP Photo/Natacha Pisarenko.
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