A 67-year-old man has been handed a two-month jail term, suspended for 24 months, after he pleaded guilty to resharing a social media post urging a boycott of the 2025 “patriots only” legislative elections.

According to a press release from the Independent Commission Against Corruption (ICAC), Lam Kin-sik admitted on Monday to inciting another person not to vote, in violation of the Elections (Corrupt and Illegal Conduct) Ordinance.

Whilst it is legal to cast a blank ballot or boycott an election in Hong Kong, it is unlawful to encourage another person to do so during an election period.

Magistrate Shirley Cornelia Hung said a custodial sentence was inevitable as it was a serious offence, but it was suspended considering Lam’s guilty plea and mitigating factors such as his health condition.

Lam was among three people prosecuted by the ICAC in November after they shared social media posts by two overseas activists – Alan Keung and Tong Wai-hung – who called for a boycott of what they described as a “fake election.”

In the Monday statement, the anti-corruption watchdog said that the defendant shared a post published by Tong.

“A warrant for Tong’s arrest, who has since left Hong Kong, was earlier issued by a Magistrate upon the ICAC’s application,” the ICAC said.

See also: Hong Kong woman given suspended jail term for reposting calls to boycott legislative polls

Those found guilty of inciting another person not to vote, or to cast an invalid ballot, face up to three years’ imprisonment and a fine of HK$200,000.

In March 2021, Beijing passed legislation to ensure “patriots” govern Hong Kong. The move reduced democratic representation in the legislature, tightened control of elections and introduced a pro-Beijing vetting panel to select candidates. Authorities say the overhaul ensures the city’s stability and prosperity. But the changes also prompted international condemnation, as much of the traditional opposition remains behind bars, in self-exile or has quit politics.

Bogotá, Colombia – Iván Cepeda and Abelardo de la Espriella, two of the frontrunners to be the next Colombian president, have announced their choices for vice president following Sunday’s legislative elections and presidential primaries.

Cepeda selected Aida Quilcué, a senator and Indigenous leader, to join him on the ticket for the left-wing Historic Pact (Pacto Historico), which won the most congressional seats on Sunday. Meanwhile, de la Espriella, a hard-right outsider, announced today that he will run alongside ex-finance minister José Manuel Restrepo. 

But the big winner in Sunday’s primary, right-wing Paloma Valencia of the Democratic Center (Centro Democrático) party, has yet to announce her running mate amid mounting speculation.

Cepeda sticks to his guns

On Monday, Cepeda formally announced Aida Quilcué as his running mate. A leader of the Nasa Indigenous group, Quilcué has a record as a staunch defender of human rights and as an advocate for ethnic minorities in Colombia.

She was integral to the negotiation of the ethnic chapter of the 2016 peace accord with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and has been a key figure in Colombia’s Indigenous rights movement. 

Last month, Quilcué made national headlines when she was kidnapped in her home state of Cauca, in the Colombian Pacific, by dissidents of the FARC. 

Miguel Jaramillo Luján, a Colombian political strategist, described Cepeda’s choice of Quilcué as a “symbolic” one which entrenches his stance as an advocate of peace and human rights.

But the analyst also noted that the selection may not be the most politically savvy move: “From an electoral standpoint, I believe that this is a concentric circle and does not add much electoral power to Iván Cepeda, who I think is acting symbolically but overly prideful in this decision,” Jaramillo told Latin America Reports. 

De la Espriella’s establishment pick

Abelardo de la Espriella, a criminal defense attorney, has styled himself as an anti-establishment political outsider. His traditional values, tough on crime campaign has been successful so far, regularly placing him in second place in presidential polls.

Today, ‘The Tiger’, as he has styled himself, announced his running mate: José Manuel Restrepo.

Restrepo is an economist at the Rosario University in Bogotá and served as President Ivan Duque’s Minister of Finance and Public Credit from May 2021 to August 2022, running the country’s finances during the COVID-19 pandemic. Before that he was Minister of Commerce, Industry, and Tourism beginning in 2018.

“I think the selection of José Manuel Restrepo… represents an attempt to counterbalance de la Espriella, who has no experience in public office,” said Jaramillo.

While de la Espriella is an outsider, he must take on Cepeda and Valencia, both sitting senators since 2014. Restrepo burnishes the criminal lawyer’s bid by adding proven governance credentials.

When announcing his running mate on Tuesday, de la Espriella said: “My choice of vice president was not driven by political calculation… it was clear to me that a renowned academic, an outstanding economist, and a highly qualified former minister and technician will undoubtedly be the best travel companion.”

Paloma Valencia in the spotlight

On Sunday, Paloma Valencia received over 45% of votes in presidential primaries, although Cepeda and de la Espriella were both absent from the contest.

Valencia’s win, as well as her Democratic Center party’s strong showing in legislative elections – winning the second highest number of seats – bolsters her position in the presidential race, according to experts. 

“From the [primaries], it’s clear that Paloma Valencia is the right-wing’s principal candidate,” Sergio Guzmán, director at Colombia Risk Analysis, a political risk consultancy, told Latin America Reports. 

Before Sunday’s vote, de la Espriella had been dominating conservative polls. Now, it is unclear which conservative candidate will attract the most voters in May’s election.

Whoever emerges as the winner must face off with Cepeda and will be under pressure to  win over centrist Colombians, said Guzman.

One way to achieve this is by selecting running mates with a broader appeal.

Sunday’s primaries highlighted the widespread popularity of Juan Daniel Oviedo, who was on the same list as Valencia and won 17% of the total votes. The former director of the National Administrative Department of Statistics (DANE), Oviedo is considered center-right and notably more moderate than Valencia.

Valencia is under mounting public pressure to pick Oviedo as her running mate, according to Jaramillo, but the two differ on key issues and Oviedo has specified strict conditions for joining Valencia’s ticket.

“We openly show fundamental differences. For example, I believe in peace,” Oviedo told Colombian radio station Caracol on Monday. “You cannot take positions that do not recognize that the [2016 peace] agreement must be implemented and that it requires more than just bullets to get rid of criminals,” he added.

Valencia has staked her campaign on law and order, promising a ‘mano dura’, or ‘iron fist’, against crime and armed groups in Colombia. Her politics follow those of her party’s founder, ex-president Álvaro Uribe, who waged war on the FARC rebels from 2002 to 2010. 

Today, Valencia told Caracol that she will not compromise on this: “I am an Uribista and I have my values and principles… Neither he [Oviedo] will change nor will I change.” 

But Valencia said she remains open to running alongside Oviedo, with the two due to meet today to discuss a possible joint ticket. She is also considering four other possible running mates, according to Colombian newspaper El Tiempo, with her decision due by Friday.

Jaramillo argues the best move for Valencia is not to pick Oviedo, as he is legally bound to support her as they ran under the same list in the primaries.

He believes she should distance herself from Uribe – arguing Uribistas are more likely to back de la Espriella – and instead court the moderate vote by choosing a center-left candidate.

But Guzmán says that is unlikely: “She seems to be going in a different direction.”

Featured image description: Left to right: Iván Cepeda, Paloma Valencia, Abelardo de la Espriella.

Featured image credit: @PactoCol via X / @PalomaValenciaL via X / @ABDELAESPRIELLA via X

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JUNE 11 — Fascinating does not entirely encapsulate the insane stratagems underway in Johor and Negeri Sembilan’s elections. 

Granted they are extensions of national anxieties accelerated by these assembly polls.

The Election Commission (EC) meets tomorrow, June 12, to decide polling day, most likely around the World Cup final on July 20.

An overarching theme to the elections is identity politics and its grip on our national politics. 

The July vote counts will put to bed the notion, or not, that race gets an outsized say still in 2026 Malaysia. 

A litmus test of how far the country has come, and whether the spirit of 2022 reemerges.

It’s loud out there. The key developments involve the Perikatan Nasional's (PN) existential crisis, Barisan Nasional’s (BN) return to basics via induced amnesia and Pakatan Harapan’s hold to its tradition driven by DAP.  

Dancing around all this is Anwar Ibrahim, waiting without cutting ties with anyone.    

The grand unity plan

The Islamist PAS turned the heat up to maximum this week by announcing an end to co-operation with Bersatu. 

Yet, this decision does not mean its exit from PN. Read between the lines, PAS feels it took the relationship as far as possible and it’s time Muhyiddin Yassin’s troops vacated the PN residences. 

Funnily, Bersatu feels the same way. A classic separation with paperweights cum partner cum offspring Gerakan and Malaysian Indian People’s Party (MIPP) hoping beyond hope they do not get sent to orphanages.

PAS wants the new girlfriend Reset Malaysia to move in.

And also, extends invites to every Malay-first organisation. It rounded up Parti Pejuang Tanah Air (Pejuang), Parti Bumiputera Perkasa Malaysia (Putra), Parti Berjasa Malaysia (Berjasa) and Parti Perikatan India Muslim Nasional (Iman). Ibrahim Ali gets a lifeboat from his old PAS pals.

PAS reactivated Annuar Musa, former Umno secretary-general and now central committee member, to resuscitate Muafakat Nasional immediately. 

Ask Umno to submit to the greater good, the ultimate unity vehicle. Annuar says it does not matter what it is called as long as all Malay leaders come together, right now. I'd call it Trantor. 

Muafakat gets the firm support from Umno Youth Chief Akmal Saleh but not party president Zahid Hamidi.

Zahid is not amiss to sense PAS wants to overwhelm Umno’s current Rumah Bangsa with its even bigger ambition.

The author argues that the Johor and Negeri Sembilan elections are being driven by a contest over identity politics, with parties trying to outdo each other as more important issues are sidelined. — Picture by Firdaus Latif

PAS wants it all. Because lightweights Gerakan and MIPP are asked to stay despite them allowed zero input to the PAS manoeuvres. 

They are so light, they have to stay, less risk floating away to Neptune, or even as far as Trantor.

Do not misunderstand, the “others” parties are welcome but the goal is to be the unapologetic grand Malay-first coalition. Umno is welcome but this train is departing from the platform, either way.

This is PAS’ riposte to Bersatu, it builds a better supergroup than PN in 2022. Except despite the inroads in that general election for both PAS and Bersatu in the Semenanjung back then, the former did not win any parliamentary seats in Johor or Negeri Sembilan. 

PAS style does not click as much in the south but ambition they believe can take them across the finishing line.

PAS has a single strategy, that Malaysians have got even more polarised, especially the lower age-groups and they will heed the clarion call. That enough Malays will vote for the grand coalition. 

This is more PAS than PN, and the evidence is not only in the decision to use the party logo for Johor. 

It is more evident in how muted PN chairman Samsuri Mokhtar is, ceding authority to his party leaders Hadi Awang and Tuan Ibrahim Tuan Man.

Umno gets mirrored

Up to June, when Onn Hafiz set a course for elections, Umno was on the up.

Its 80th anniversary, and the homecoming of who’s who in Malay politics. Even MCA and MIC were out partying in the streets, ready to collect seat victories on the shoulder of big brother.

They felt the only downside was the association with Pakatan inside the Madani government, and therefore the need to put distance between Umno and DAP.

That’s what they thought till PAS went into overdrive this week.

Now, they are in a race to rack up their Malay credentials as PAS and Reset Malaysia play up their romance for the sake of Malays under threat.

It has to politely shy away from PAS’ “true” Malay movement even if Akmal foolishly wills it. 

Expect the op-eds on how Pejuang, Iman and Putra saddling up beside PAS is insignificant. 

After all, as Gerakan Tanah Air (GTA), all three parties lost all deposits at the 2022 General Election. 

Yet, younger voters are a bother.

At the last state polls, with 55 per cent turnout, BN snatched 40 of the 56 seats, or 71 per cent. 

Eight months later at the general election when 73 per cent or an increase of over one million voters, BN only secured nine of the 26 seats (35 per cent). When more showed up, ostensibly more younger voters, BN suffered.

The Manchurian Test

In the 1962 thriller The Manchurian Candidate, a political candidate was brainwashed with a trigger word planted through hypnosis. 

That the candidate cannot help himself, the idea is too embedded in the person that once activated he can only do what he is programmed to do. 

Malaysia may have a degree of the Manchurian Candidate, in our case the voters, not the election candidates. 

That Malay voters — by virtue of living through lives dominated by PAS clerics and Umno right-wingers — cannot refuse the allure of the dream united Malay movement. That once triggered, everything else pales in significance.

For the sake of balance, let’s consider Johor’s challenges.

Facilitate the Johor- Singapore Special Economic Zone (JS-SEZ) undertaking. While GDP growth exceeds the national average, electricity supply is not amped up to match the investment. 

This is central to the jobs creation venture to raise the state median monthly wage above the national median which is a couple of hundred above RM3,000. With better and higher paying jobs, the ability to own homes in an inflated market. 

While the Johor Economic Transformation Plan intends to raise the game at the other towns — Mersing, Segamat, Kluang and Batu Pahat for instance — it is still about the state capital region gobbling up growth.  

The RTS Link, the game-changer ,kicks off in 2027 but question marks ensue about the Johor end processing 40,000 passengers daily. 

If smooth travels from the Singapore end are met by bottlenecks on the Johor side, all may come to naught.

That’s just a short list, and insanely, none are campaign issues.

Both Umno-BN and PAS-Muafakat are convinced that the votes centre around who is more Malay dedicated and the Manchurian effect triggers as election day looms. 

Which means, if like in 2022, the online vitriol hits fever pitch to drown out all other considerations. 

Scare voters about the spectre of not-Malay enough winners, and therefore government.

There is a toll here. The sanity of the people. The Manchurian effect is about psychological trauma, in this case of entire peoples'. 

That people are constantly made to be afraid of dangers they cannot see and the need to suspend reason and to become completely tribal. 

These politicians forget that these people they milk for votes have to live between elections too. 

Living daily with the fear of the loss of Malay power leaves a regular person troubled. And fuels social ills. Not that the politicians care, they have elections to win. 

KUALA LUMPUR, June 13 — Kedah Menteri Besar Datuk Seri Muhammad Sanusi Md Nor said Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim was receptive to the idea of holding the next general election simultaneously with polls in the four Perikatan Nasional-led states, arguing that the move would cut costs and reduce duplication of work.

New Straits Times reported the PAS election director as saying he had raised the matter with Anwar, expressing hope that Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu and Perlis would go to the polls alongside the 16th general election (GE16).

“My hope is for the state elections in the four states and the parliamentary election to be held together. We will not have to repeat the work, which would consume time if done separately. Holding them concurrently will save costs and ease the work of the Election Commission,” he told reporters after launching Kedah PAS’ election machinery in Kota Sarang Semut, Yan, last night.

“I have spoken with the prime minister about holding simultaneous elections, and he agreed.

“When I asked about the election date, he said it could be discussed.”

Sanusi said concurrent elections would also allow political parties to streamline the deployment of their machinery and resources.

Kedah, Kelantan and Terengganu did not dissolve their state assemblies during the 15th general election (GE15) in 2022, opting instead to hold separate state polls in August 2023. Perlis, then under Barisan Nasional, dissolved its state assembly to allow its election to be held concurrently with the federal polls.

Commenting on the possibility of PAS entering a new political alignment ahead of GE16, Sanusi said political parties must continue adapting to remain relevant in an evolving landscape.

“All parties must move based on current needs and demands to match changing mindsets. A party must keep moving and cannot remain static, or it will be left behind and become a Stone Age party,” he said.

“PAS must also move forward as long as our principles remain unchanged and our struggle stays the same. But strategies must be in place to win over voters, and every party will seize the same opportunities.”

Bogotá, Colombia – A challenge to a public debate, accusations about football shirts used as political symbols, and increasingly sharp exchanges on social media — campaigning for Colombia’s run-off in its presidential election is already underway just a day after Abelardo de la Espriella emerged as the surprise first-round winner.

While Senator Iván Cepeda had been widely expected to come out on top and enter the second round in a stronger position, his camp was left disappointed after falling short of those expectations.

Although he still claimed nearly 41% of the tally, de la Espriella surpassed him by almost three points, coming out with 44%.

Analysts say the run off is wide open. An important factor is supporters of other candidates whose votes are up for grabs. But a decisive factor is also likely to be those who didn’t participate at all in the first round.

“Whoever manages to somehow win over the undecided voters who didn’t vote in the first round but will vote in the second, I think that’s already enough to be president,” political analyst Oscar Chala said.

With three weeks to go until the June 21 elections, the race is on to sweep up those votes, and the candidates haven’t wasted any time in trying to position themselves.

Shortly after the results, Cepeda’s camp alleged irregularities in the vote, although the candidate backtracked the next day, saying they were not significant.

He also criticised the wearing of Colombian football shirts as part of political campaigns, linking it to de la Espriella’s far right movement — and also challenged him to a public debate, something he had not previously participated in.

“Cepeda is now inviting and wanting to hold a debate when he had always avoided it. That is a sign of desperation,” Rubén Erazo, political consultant, told Latin America Reports.

Although de la Espriella accepted the debate — which will be held on Tuesday June 9 — he also called his rival a “coward” and accused his campaign of hiding behind Petro.

Despite the disappointing result for Cepeda, he gained roughly what polls had been predicting — even marginally higher. Yet analysts say he struggled to win over undecided and abstentionist voters and lacked a solid and coherent campaign.

“The failures of Cepeda’s campaign are that Cepeda is not himself the candidate. The candidate is the current president Petro,” political consultant Rubén Erazo said, referring to this election being more like a referendum on Petro’s legacy.

He said this incorporates “the good, the bad, and the ugly” of his presidency. While he expanded social programmes, other policies, such as opening ambitious negotiations with armed groups, were highly controversial. Those dissatisfied with what Petro stands for are likely to be against Cepeda.

Despite knockbacks, Erazo says this doesn’t mean it is game over for the senator and Petro ally.

“Cepeda could win as long as his team reorients his strategy, acknowledges mistakes, thinks calmly and does not focus solely on claiming fraud,” he said.

The race is still very much open — and analysts say anything could happen, and that a lot will depend on where they target their political energy.

“Cepeda is likely to move closer to the centre and Abelardo could become more radical. The strategy Abelardo will use to try to win is to radicalize his discourse because he knows that Iván Cepeda will start seeking centrist votes,” Chala said.

He believes Espriella will also target an abstentionist segment on the right, even further right than traditional right-wing establishment figures such as Paloma Valencia, who once polled above 20% but ultimately secured just under 7%.

This part of the electorate is conservative, often macho, and wants hardline security strategies and more investment in the country.

De la Espriella was the main candidate able to capitalize on this as well as anti-Petro sentiment, and is expected to continue drawing support from parts of Valencia’s former base.

“However, his discourse is very anti-establishment and he’s not seeking the support of political parties,” Chala explained.

Nevertheless, Paloma Valencia — and her mentor, former president Álvaro Uribe — have come out in support of de la Espriella. Her relevance is not yet completely diminished if she can convince those who supported her to shift to this camp.

Moreover, while Cepeda took a backseat in his own campaign and drew heavily on traditional strategies such as mass gatherings and marches, Espriella, as well as doing this, drew heavily on crafting his own image — calling himself “The Tiger”.

“Everything is exaggerated and trying to inspire: the planes, the Italian suits from when he was a lawyer, and even his image of advising controversial figures,” he said. “Even the beard, for example, is copied from Nayib Bukele. It’s the same style.”

De la Espriella is plainly anti-establishment and aligns himself with Nayib Bukele, Javier Milei and Donald Trump. That appeals to some of the electorate, and repels another part.

At this stage, both candidates are still very much in this race, with everything to play for.

Featured image description: Iván Cepeda (Left) and Abelardo de la Espriella (Right).

Featured image credit: Respective campaigns.

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