On June 4, a national scandal erupted when star Colombian soccer player James Rodríguez apparently snubbed President Gustavo Petro’s daughter as she asked for a photo. 

The incident sparked debate online about political polarization ahead of run-off presidential elections and the need for unity. 

But in a turn of events, Rodríguez and Antonella Petro made up just days later, in a possible sign of soccer’s power to unify a divided nation. 

The incident happened as the Colombia team bid farewell to their nation, boarding a plane to head to compete in the World Cup, which begins this week.

In addition to the selfie snub, official photos showing the players with forlorn expressions on their faces as they posed with the president also caused a stir. 

Significant outrage ensued on social media, with some Colombian fans accusing certain players on the team of ‘betrayal’ of their underprivileged roots, and showing their conservative ideology by snubbing the left-wing president. A photo released of the players inside the plane attracted particular ire on X. Others, however, supported Rodríguez, viewing the incident as an effort to prevent Petro from appropriating the photo shoot for political gain. 

Following the incident, Petro, in a lengthy post on X, spoke to James Rodríguez directly, saying: “The political ideas you have don’t pull me away from the common goal that you win and be the best.”

“Because we want the national team to win, my message is this: use the individual brilliance that has brought you fame, just as you did when you were poor kids from the working-class neighborhood; go back to playing in the streets with homemade balls, and we’ll win.”

But the incident seemed to have settled down this weekend, with Antonella Petro, the president’s daughter, sharing James Rodríguez’ personal apology to her via Instagram. In the message, Rodríguez said he did not hear her ask for a photo, and that he would send her a shirt as an apology. 

Despite the resolution of the controversy, the event itself and the reactions to it have raised questions over political division in Colombia, and how it has permeated all facets of culture.

The incident comes amid a tense election battle in Colombia, with far-right outsider Abelardo de la Espriella winning 43.7% of the votes in the first round of elections, followed by leftist Iván Cepeda at 40.9%. A runoff will be held on June 21 to determine Colombia’s next president. 

During the election campaign, de la Espriella has stirred controversy by donning the national team’s jersey, such that a court temporarily banned him from using the shirt for political campaigning. Critics accuse de la Espriella of weaponizing a national symbol for political purposes, though others say that efforts to restrict the usage of the jersey will be difficult to enforce and represents a stifling of free expression. 

Speaking to Latin America Reports, Gabriel Romero, veteran Colombian sports journalist and author of Confesiones de un hincha, detailed how the incident was yet another scandal, but one that reveals just how much politicisation has affected all sectors of the country. 

“The incident is characteristic of our “Patria Boba” (foolish homeland). That way of looking at things in black and white. James’s attitude was not appropriate [but] the disproportionate reaction from both sides is a consequence of political polarization. A clash between the extreme right and the extreme left, which could have serious consequences if there is no moderation from the parties,” said Romero. 

For the journalist, the hoo-hah represents an opportunity for the government to “capitalize on the incident to favor Cepeda and once again show the president as a victim.” Romero also sees de la Espriella’s usage of the jersey as another example of opportunism: “Governments have not been aware of the influence of football on society. They only take advantage of it for their short-term interests.”

There are also signs that this incident has revealed something deeper about the intersection between politics and popular culture in Colombia. Romero pointed out historical precedents surrounding soccer, and how Thursday’s incident represents a difference in public sentiment. 

“Before, the national team used to unite. In the controversy of the “Yes” and “No” for peace (the 2016 referendum on a peace deal between the Colombian government and the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), in which the proposal was rejected), the national team of Pékerman was the balm. Now it is different. The team is no longer an antidote. Extreme polarization broke the barriers of football. It is terrifying that we debate more over a photo of James than over the serious problems that afflict us.”

Ultimately, Romero believes that more fleeting scandals will occur of both a political and sporting nature. However, he says that “what is clear is that never before had polarization touched the core of the National Team.” It remains to be seen if the upcoming World Cup will reconcile, or further divide, a deeply polarized country. 

Featured image description: President Gustavo Petro poses with Colombia’s national soccer team.

Featured image credit: @PetroGustavo via X.

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Bogotá, Colombia – The sophistication of drones used by armed groups is escalating rapidly in Colombia as the military expands efforts to tackle them, the commander of Colombia’s armed forces told Latin America Reports.

“We are dealing with terrorists using drones carrying grenades that are dropped from different altitudes, as well as wire-guided drones,” General Hugo Alejandro López Barreto said, referring to some of the latest and most difficult drones to counter.

On June 2, one person was reportedly killed in a drone attack in La Tarra, in the conflict-ridden Catatumbo region. A day earlier, six children and one adult were seriously injured in Suárez, Cauca, in an attack authorities attributed to the Jaime Martínez structure of the FARC dissident group.

According to Colombia’s Ministry of Defence, 333 drone attacks successfully struck targets or caused damage in 2025, compared with 61 incidents in 2024 — an increase of 445 percent.

While the FARC disbanded under the 2016 peace accord, some splinter groups emerged. These factions, as well as the National Liberation Army (ELN) guerrilla group, frequently target each other and the military, with civilians often caught in the middle.

General Lopez explained that the military is employing a variety of strategies to counter the growing use of drones by these structures.

“We already have units deployed with anti-drone equipment that will allow us to counter the actions of these criminals and also target those carrying out these attacks against us,” he said. Lopez added that the armed forces were responding through a combination of ‘technical and non-technical measures,’ including protective equipment and weapons capable of bringing down the aircraft.

While drones have been used by Colombia’s armed groups for around a decade, initially for reconnaissance and intelligence gathering, their use in attacks has increased sharply in recent years.

The first recorded death linked to a drone attack occurred in 2024, when a 10-year-old boy was killed while playing football in El Plateado, Cauca.

According to defense analyst and drones expert, Camilo Mendoza, since armed groups began using drones in an organized way in 2024, they have gained the advantage over security forces.

“Groups use drones for both surveillance and attacks, and they have learned a great deal from Ukraine. Ukraine has been the laboratory of modern warfare for the last three or four years,” he explained.

“The success of drones, both in Colombia and in Ukraine, comes down to cost. Drones are very cheap and can do many things.”

According to Mendoza, who also wrote the book Colombia Under Drone Threat, the main groups using drones are the FARC dissident group Estado Mayor Central and the National Liberation Army (ELN), which employ the devices for both surveillance and attacks. The Clan del Golfo also uses drones, although primarily for reconnaissance purposes.

As the technology has evolved, so too have efforts to counter it. In October 2025, Colombia’s Defence Ministry launched BANOT, described as Latin America’s first military battalion dedicated to countering drone threats. Authorities have also invested in radio-frequency jammers and tactical radar systems as part of a broader anti-drone strategy and have an anti-drone shield planned.

But analysts say the pace of development means the military is struggling to keep up. Where initially groups were buying cheap drones in major cities or online sites, like Amazon, now they’re using more sophisticated ones, including First Person View (FPV) drones and fibre-optic drones, which pose challenges for security forces.

“The fibre-optic drones cannot be detected or jammed because the systems simply cannot see them,” Mendoza said.

Traditional anti-drone systems work by disrupting the signal between an operator and an aircraft. But newer drones can be modified to reduce the effectiveness of those countermeasures.

“All anti-drone systems in Colombia operate through the electromagnetic spectrum,” Mendoza explained. “They have no effect on these newer systems, and the drones can continue carrying out attacks even when battalions have anti-drone equipment.”

While analysts warn of the challenge drones pose to security forces, humanitarian organizations say civilians are increasingly bearing the consequences.

“This is not a new phenomenon, but the speed at which it is escalating is alarming,” Antonio Salvatore Armentano, Colombia representative at The United Nations Mine Action Service (UNMAS) told Latin America Reports. “Communities on the ground are absorbing a threat that policy frameworks have barely begun to name.”

In a recently released technical report on drones in Colombia, UNMAS highlighted that in many territories, the only available defence is “the visual and the acoustic detection by recognizing the distinctive ‘buzzing’ sound of drones and attempting to flee.”

While not all drones are used to attack — some are for surveillance — communities have no way of knowing, and so the sound or sight of drones induces psychological distress.

“The harm does not end when the attack does. Communities living under the sound of drones experience chronic fear and anxiety. Not every drone is armed – but no one on the ground can tell the difference. That uncertainty is itself a form of violence,” Armentano said.

As armed groups adopt increasingly sophisticated drones, humanitarian organizations warn that civilians are likely to face a growing share of the consequences.

Featured image description: A member of the Colombian Air Force holds a drone.

Featured image credit: Fuerza Aerospacial de Colombia.

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The stereotype of a tech founder is changing fast. For years, the typical path into new ventures followed a familiar formula: attend university, gain industry experience, raise capital through a startup accelerator, and eventually go on to find even more success. Today, however, AI is rewriting that playbook.

Increasingly, young people are entering the startup world years before they reach college. Equipped with AI-powered tools, students are beginning to develop real-world business skills at an age that would have seemed unimaginable even just a few years ago.

The implications extend far beyond Silicon Valley. As AI continues to reduce the technical and financial barriers associated with starting a company, regions with young populations and expanding digital economies could become fertile ground for an entirely new generation of founders.

Few regions fit that description better than Latin America.

A global shift in company-building

One of the most significant effects of AI is that it has transformed software creation from a highly specialized discipline into something far more accessible. Today, entrepreneurs can use AI to write code and even develop erly prototypes with a fraction of the resources that were previously required.

As a result, company-creating is becoming less dependent on large teams or material funding.

This democratization is attracting more and more entrepreneurs, in particular younger founders.

Among the most notable examples in the United States and India is Bob Chopra, founder of IvySchool.ai.

At just nine years old, Chopra has become one of the youngest entrepreneurs operating in the AI education space. His company announced this year collaboration with India’s Delhi Public School network, helping expand access to AI learning for students and demonstrating how early exposure to entrepreneurship and emerging technology can create opportunities previously unavailable to younger generations.

While Chopra’s story is extraordinary, it also reflects a broader trend: entrepreneurship is no longer reserved for adults.

Why Latin America could benefit most

The emergence of younger founders arrives at an important moment for Latin America.

Over the last decade, the region has evolved into one of the world’s fastest-growing technology markets. VC investment has expanded significantly and innovation hubs have emerged throughout major cities, including in Mexico City and Bogota, among others.

At the same time, the region’s greatest competitive advantage may not be its infrastructure, but rather its people. LatAm is home to a large population of digitally connected young people who have grown up in an era defined by smartphones. Unlike previous generations, they are entering adulthood with unprecedented access to technology.

Now, AI is putting powerful creation tools directly into their hands. Students who once consumed technology can increasingly build it. A teenager with an internet connection can now design applications and reach customers around the world. In many cases, AI dramatically reduces the resources required to transform an idea into a functioning product.

This shift has the potential to create opportunities for talented young people regardless of geography or economic background. The challenge here really isn’t as much with technology, but rather creating an environment that encourages experimentation and entrepreneurship from an earlier age. Across much of the region, educational systems continue to focus primarily on traditional academic achievement.

As a result, many talented young builders may never view company creation as something they can pursue while still in school. There are practical barriers as well.

These challenges are not unique to Latin America, but they can slow the emergence of exceptionally young founders.

The future is already arriving

Bob Chopra’s story may have started thousands of miles away in the United States and India, but the forces that enabled his success are now global.

AI is reducing the cost of innovation, expanding access to knowledge, and allowing individuals to accomplish more with fewer resources than ever before.

For Latin America, this moment represents more than a technology trend. It represents a chance to unlock a new generation of entrepreneurs capable of building companies earlier, faster, and on a larger scale than previous generations.

The region’s next transformative founder may not currently be working at a startup. They may be sitting in a classroom.

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Mexico City, Mexico – Last month, the Cuban government approved a sweeping set of changes to its migration laws. 

Among the most consequential updates are the elimination of the 24-month limit on staying abroad without losing residency, the expansion of diaspora rights to own and invest in businesses on the island, and new travel-control capacities.

But some Cuban migrants and analysts argue the laws reinforce political repression and may simply be an effort to relieve pressure from Washington without fundamentally reforming the state.

An opening for the diaspora

For years, the “24-month rule” forced Cubans to return to the island every two years or face being declared “emigrés,” a status that stripped them of some of their domestic rights. 

Jesús Arboleya, a migration expert and researcher at the Center for Demographic Studies, explains that this limit never effectively curtailed emigration. Instead, it “acted as a counterproductive barrier that damaged the relationship between the diaspora and their homeland. It should never have existed”.

The new law replaces this with the concept of “effective residency”. This status is determined by spending more than 180 days in Cuba or 120 days while showing specific ties to the country, such as property, family, or bank accounts. Cubans who don’t meet these standards will be considered “residents abroad”.

Lázaro Blanco, a Cuban migrant who left the country three years ago and owns real estate and a small business on the island, sees these changes as an improvement that will make his life easier. 

“I travelled to Cuba frequently to see my family but also to maintain my residence and the rights over my business. I see it as a small step forward, one less thing to worry about,” he told Latin America Reports.

The new regulations also provide a specific residence category titled “investors and business”, which requires a specific application and an endorsement document from the Cuban entity with which the person will conduct business.

Of all the sections of the new migration rules, only those related to foreign investment have taken immediate effect, reflecting recent policy shifts announced by the Minister of Foreign Trade and Investment, Oscar Pérez-Oliva Fraga, who has prioritized attracting capital from the Cuban diaspora as a way out of the crisis. 

But while the legal path for investment is now open, the actual attraction of these funds “doesn’t depend exclusively on this measure”, according to migration expert Arboleya.

For some emigrants, the law changes nothing

Despite the reform’s forward-looking nature, it offers little comfort to those dispossessed in previous decades. In the past, the properties of Cubans who left the country were seized by the government with all their possessions inside, which caused resentment towards the government.

Leonor López, a Cuban living in Miami whose home was taken by the state when she departed in 2002, finds the reform hollow: “These new laws are just another scam among the many they’ve tried over the years to milk emigrants dry. Anyone who thinks they can go to Cuba to invest or build up capital under that government is delusional.”

For many, the reforms are superficial and won’t lead to significant changes unless they are accompanied by political change. Additionally, the lack of legal certainty for foreign companies and the state’s track record of debts cast a shadow of doubt over future investment projects on the island.

Critics say the law codifies political travel bans

Alexander Hall, a Cuban historian and activist, remains “regulated”—the official euphemism for being barred from leaving the country. The government cites “public interest” as the reason, a category Hall describes as “arbitrary, authoritarian” and a “violation of both the Cuban Constitution and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights”.

“There are also many documented cases of people who have not been allowed to return to Cuba.” Dissident activists Omara Ruiz Urquiola and Anamely Ramos are two of them — both, like Hall, have been denied their right to cross borders freely. 

The law officially allows the state to deny entry or exit based on concepts such as “security and national defence” or “public interest”. “When you set foot on Cuba, you are entirely in their hands”, said Cuban lawyer Eloy Viera, referring to the discretionary faculties this law gives to Havana’s government.

The new regulations do establish a formal path to appeal these prohibitions through administrative and judicial channels. While Hall is skeptical of their effectiveness, he is willing to use them as a “civic exercise” to highlight the “unjust character of institutional proceedings”.

He believes that public initiatives to challenge these measures are essential for those who “aspire to derogate these mechanisms and recover our rights”. Most alarming to activists is the new authority for the state to strip citizens of their nationality.

The law allows for the deprivation of citizenship for those who perform “acts contrary to the high political, economic, and social interests” of the Republic. Critics warn that this mimics tactics used in Nicaragua, where the government has mass-deprived activists and opposition figures of their citizenship to punish political dissent.

A reform shaped by external pressure?

On January 29, 2026, U.S. President Donald Trump signed an executive order declaring Cuba a national emergency and threatening tariffs on any country that supplied oil to the island. 

Months later, however, he allowed a Russian tanker to dock in Cuba, stating decisions would be made on a case-by-case basis. Then, four days before Cuba approved the new migration law, he signed a second executive order expanding the scope of sanctions to include companies in key Cuban economic sectors and foreign financial institutions.

The Cuban government has expressed willingness to accept economic reforms that could ease U.S. pressure, while maintaining that its political system is not up for negotiation. Whether the migration law represents a genuine opening or a calculated gesture to ease external pressure — without touching the structures of political control — remains to be seen.

Featured image description: Havana’s Jose Marti International Airport Terminal 3

Featured image credit: Tacorontey via Wikimedia Commons

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The mobilization – which opposes pension reforms – escalated on Wednesday when protesters broke into the headquarters of the Public Education Secretariat (SEP), damaging the government building and injuring at least two police officers.

With no end in sight to negotiations between union representatives and authorities, the ongoing demonstrations threaten to disrupt the World Cup, which begins one week from today.  

The union has blocked highways connecting Mexico City to nearby cities, vandalized public monuments, and established a large encampment a few blocks from the presidential palace. 

The CNTE is simultaneously deploying actions in at least four other states, with more regions expected to join in the coming days.

The CNTE’s central demand is the derogation of a 2007 reform to a law passed by Mexico’s social security institute dismantling a solidarity-based pension scheme and shifting workers into individually managed private accounts. Teachers are also demanding a 100% salary increase and the elimination of the USICAMM, the body that oversees teacher hiring and promotions.

Negotiations have been conducted jointly by Secretary of Government Rosa Icela Rodríguez, Education Secretary Mario Delgado, and the director general of the ISSSTE, but no agreements have been reached so far. 

The three officials were formally authorized by President Claudia Sheinbaum to conduct and close negotiations on the government’s behalf, despite CNTE demands for a direct meeting with the president. 

Secretary Rodríguez said the state’s ability to grant concessions is limited by fiscal constraints: “What cannot be done is due to a lack of budget, not a lack of will.” 

Filiberto Frausto Orozco, a CNTE leader from Zacatecas, warned that if the government rejects their demands, “there will be no more negotiations.” 

The union has also threatened to disrupt the FIFA World Cup inauguration, scheduled for June 11 at Estadio Ciudad de México. 

Earlier this week, teachers blockaded Paseo de la Reforma and toppled statues of footballers installed to promote the tournament. 

Sheinbaum campaigned on promises to address teachers’ labor grievances, but after one and a half years in office, her government has yet to deliver on the pension reform rollback the CNTE has long demanded.

On the streets, rank-and-file teachers say they are prepared for a prolonged fight. Saray López Alamillo, who has been in the classroom for six years and is an active CNTE member, expressed full support for the union’s escalation strategy.

“In my school we have talked about it and we are ready to take this fight to the end,” she told Latin America Reports.

For many teachers, the cost of protest is immediate and personal. The government docks wages for each day teachers miss class while demonstrating. 

López Alamillo knows this firsthand: “Last year, they deducted 3,000 or 4,000 pesos from my paycheck for almost eight consecutive pay periods.”

The teacher added that the losses directly hurt her ability to cover basic household expenses. 

For some teachers those deductions are enough to keep them home. For others, like López Alamillo, the financial punishment only sharpens their resolve.

With negotiations deadlocked and the World Cup opening a week away, the standoff is entering a critical phase. Neither side has shown signs of yielding.

Featured image description: Union members marched in Mexico City this week.

Featured image credit: CNTE via Facebook.

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Bogotá, Colombia – A challenge to a public debate, accusations about football shirts used as political symbols, and increasingly sharp exchanges on social media — campaigning for Colombia’s run-off in its presidential election is already underway just a day after Abelardo de la Espriella emerged as the surprise first-round winner.

While Senator Iván Cepeda had been widely expected to come out on top and enter the second round in a stronger position, his camp was left disappointed after falling short of those expectations.

Although he still claimed nearly 41% of the tally, de la Espriella surpassed him by almost three points, coming out with 44%.

Analysts say the run off is wide open. An important factor is supporters of other candidates whose votes are up for grabs. But a decisive factor is also likely to be those who didn’t participate at all in the first round.

“Whoever manages to somehow win over the undecided voters who didn’t vote in the first round but will vote in the second, I think that’s already enough to be president,” political analyst Oscar Chala said.

With three weeks to go until the June 21 elections, the race is on to sweep up those votes, and the candidates haven’t wasted any time in trying to position themselves.

Shortly after the results, Cepeda’s camp alleged irregularities in the vote, although the candidate backtracked the next day, saying they were not significant.

He also criticised the wearing of Colombian football shirts as part of political campaigns, linking it to de la Espriella’s far right movement — and also challenged him to a public debate, something he had not previously participated in.

“Cepeda is now inviting and wanting to hold a debate when he had always avoided it. That is a sign of desperation,” Rubén Erazo, political consultant, told Latin America Reports.

Although de la Espriella accepted the debate — which will be held on Tuesday June 9 — he also called his rival a “coward” and accused his campaign of hiding behind Petro.

Despite the disappointing result for Cepeda, he gained roughly what polls had been predicting — even marginally higher. Yet analysts say he struggled to win over undecided and abstentionist voters and lacked a solid and coherent campaign.

“The failures of Cepeda’s campaign are that Cepeda is not himself the candidate. The candidate is the current president Petro,” political consultant Rubén Erazo said, referring to this election being more like a referendum on Petro’s legacy.

He said this incorporates “the good, the bad, and the ugly” of his presidency. While he expanded social programmes, other policies, such as opening ambitious negotiations with armed groups, were highly controversial. Those dissatisfied with what Petro stands for are likely to be against Cepeda.

Despite knockbacks, Erazo says this doesn’t mean it is game over for the senator and Petro ally.

“Cepeda could win as long as his team reorients his strategy, acknowledges mistakes, thinks calmly and does not focus solely on claiming fraud,” he said.

The race is still very much open — and analysts say anything could happen, and that a lot will depend on where they target their political energy.

“Cepeda is likely to move closer to the centre and Abelardo could become more radical. The strategy Abelardo will use to try to win is to radicalize his discourse because he knows that Iván Cepeda will start seeking centrist votes,” Chala said.

He believes Espriella will also target an abstentionist segment on the right, even further right than traditional right-wing establishment figures such as Paloma Valencia, who once polled above 20% but ultimately secured just under 7%.

This part of the electorate is conservative, often macho, and wants hardline security strategies and more investment in the country.

De la Espriella was the main candidate able to capitalize on this as well as anti-Petro sentiment, and is expected to continue drawing support from parts of Valencia’s former base.

“However, his discourse is very anti-establishment and he’s not seeking the support of political parties,” Chala explained.

Nevertheless, Paloma Valencia — and her mentor, former president Álvaro Uribe — have come out in support of de la Espriella. Her relevance is not yet completely diminished if she can convince those who supported her to shift to this camp.

Moreover, while Cepeda took a backseat in his own campaign and drew heavily on traditional strategies such as mass gatherings and marches, Espriella, as well as doing this, drew heavily on crafting his own image — calling himself “The Tiger”.

“Everything is exaggerated and trying to inspire: the planes, the Italian suits from when he was a lawyer, and even his image of advising controversial figures,” he said. “Even the beard, for example, is copied from Nayib Bukele. It’s the same style.”

De la Espriella is plainly anti-establishment and aligns himself with Nayib Bukele, Javier Milei and Donald Trump. That appeals to some of the electorate, and repels another part.

At this stage, both candidates are still very much in this race, with everything to play for.

Featured image description: Iván Cepeda (Left) and Abelardo de la Espriella (Right).

Featured image credit: Respective campaigns.

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