The journalist Roxana Berenice Guzmán was inside her home when armed men showed up and smashed the door. Like in a nightmare, they did not succeed immediately: they broke the glass and then began hammering at the lock. Blow after blow, up to a dozen. A man inside asks them to wait, but one of the attackers silences him, sticking a rifle through the broken glass and taking aim. They begin to kick at the door. The kicks are combined with the hammer blows. The man inside the house pleads again: “There’s a baby, calm down!” But, as in nightmares, the squad finally manages to break a piece of the door and enter the house. “Get on the floor!” one of the hooded men shouts, before grabbing the phone that is recording him. There are no images after that, but the attackers took the founder of the local media outlet Pulso Informativo del Sureste. The recording has shaken a country used to attacks on its journalists.

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If photographs could make a sound, the one Edith Sánchez keeps in a small plastic bag would play Luis Miguel’s version of Las Mañanitas. Dated September 16, 1994, the photo shows the Mexican singer hugging her as she looks at the camera. It is the only picture she has left beside the man who was her boss for more than 25 years.

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Roberto Velasco’s first two months at the helm of Mexico’s foreign ministry have been anything but calm. The 38-year-old chief of the country’s diplomacy — who had already served in the role temporarily during his predecessor José Ramón de la Fuente’s illness — is suddenly facing one of the most delicate moments in bilateral relations with the United States since Donald Trump returned to the White House. The death of two unaccredited CIA officers in the Sierra Madre of Chihuahua; the U.S. Department of Justice’s charges against Sinaloa’s governor, Rubén Rocha Moya; the renegotiation of the USMCA trade treaty… All of these issues push Velasco to choose his words with surgical precision, or even to steer clear of certain topics to avoid any hint of conflict. That caution runs throughout the entire conversation, held on Monday.

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In a country of drug traffickers, savage battles between cartels, and their victims, the spark that set everything off came from a remote spot in an isolated mountain range. In the early hours of April 19, two CIA officers and two agents from the Chihuahua Attorney General’s Office were killed in a brutal car crash. On a road that winds through the gorges of the Sierra Tarahumara, their vehicle plunged into the depths of a ravine. The tragedy itself quickly receded into the background because of what it revealed: U.S. intelligence officers were with Mexican state agents returning from dismantling a huge drug lab. That revelation quickly set the rest of the pieces in motion.

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Only 24 hours remain before the World Cup kicks off in Mexico and the country is going though its final dress rehearsals. Preventing demonstrations on opening day is already a pipe dream: negotiations with teachers have stalled and search groups will march to make their missing relatives visible. With everyone in position and the cards on the table, attention is focused on avoiding the worst-case scenario for the government of Claudia Sheinbaum — an image of a police officer striking a teacher circling the globe on the day the country is playing for its international image. The concern is not unfounded: on the first day of protests a teacher lost an eye in clashes with police. The past two weeks have tested containment measures, and Wednesday will be the last chance to fine-tune the public staging. To ease the pressure, authorities have canceled classes for Thursday and ordered remote work for public servants.

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