Japan is experiencing historically high numbers of foreigners. Its population is shrinking, and its workforce is ageing, driving foreign labour to historic levels.

In addition, the number of international tourists has also reached record highs, reshaping everyday life across the country. In fact, Japan now rivals, and sometimes outstrips, Bali as Australians’ favourite holiday destination.

Yet, despite the expansion of channels for migrant labour and settlement over the past two decades, successive governments have avoided describing the country as an immigration society. They have also been reluctant to adopt broader frameworks for immigrant integration and social inclusion.

However, given the recent surge, questions about foreigners have moved from a policy footnote to a genuinely contested issue. So what do the Japanese people really think?

Generational differences

A nationally representative survey of 1,500 Japanese adults was conducted immediately after the lower house election in February 2026. It revealed striking findings on how the Japanese public views foreigners.

Nearly two thirds of respondents support both tighter regulations on foreign land purchases and the expectation that foreigners follow Japanese rules and customs. These restrictive views hold across gender, education and income groups. The major exception is age: younger generations tend to express more tolerant views toward foreigners.

The recent influx of foreigners – as workers and tourists – appears to be prompting a change in attitude among Japanese people.

The 2025 upper house election marked a turning point. Sanseito, a nationalist party that made immigration restriction its central platform, achieved a strong result, claiming 14 seats on a “Japanese first” platform.

This result signalled that explicitly anti-immigrant positions could attract meaningful public support. This in turn placed pressure on mainstream parties to address the issue more directly.

That momentum carried into the 2026 lower house election. The Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), under Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi, won a landslide victory while tightening its stance on immigration policies. This included raising the requirements for permanent residency and naturalisation, and tightening regulations on foreign land purchases.

Against this political backdrop, understanding how Japanese citizens view foreigners and what identities and values shape those views has become increasingly important.

The post-election survey provides timely evidence on these questions.

My analysis of the data finds a broad consensus on foreigners among most demographics. When asked whether Japan should strengthen regulations on land purchases by foreign nationals and foreign capital, 66.5% of respondents either agreed or somewhat agreed.

When asked whether foreign nationals should place the highest priority on following Japanese rules, etiquette and customs, 62.9% agreed or somewhat agreed. Less than 7% disagree on either item.

It is notable these numbers hold across demographic groups. University and high school graduates express similarly restrictive views; men and women hold nearly identical attitudes; and higher-income respondents are no more tolerant than those on lower incomes.

However, as mentioned, the one important exception to this consensus is age. Younger Japanese are measurably more tolerant of foreigners than their older counterparts. This suggests attitudes toward foreigners in Japan may be slowly shifting.

Party politics play a role

Party support does structure anti-foreigner attitudes to some degree. Sanseito voters record the most restrictive views on both questions. Centrist Reform Alliance voters are the least restrictive. However, party supporters differ only in the intensity of restrictive attitudes, not whether they endorse them.

The survey also included questions measuring traditional values, which capture deference to authority and social norms, and authoritarian values, which capture acceptance of force and coercion.

Traditional values show little variation by age, gender, education or income. In contrast, authoritarian values vary by age, with young people actually showing more authoritarian values. This resonates with a survey of junior high school students in the Tokyo metropolitan area, where the proportion agreeing that “people who break the rules should be punished strictly” rose from 59% in 2018 to 79% in 2025.

At the same time, LDP voters score highest on both measures. This is consistent with the party’s longstanding position as the vehicle of conservative values in postwar Japanese politics.

Both traditional and authoritarian values correlate significantly with anti-foreigner attitudes. Respondents who are more sceptical of authority, less committed to social norms, and less accepting of force tend to hold more tolerant views toward foreigners.

A changing Japan

My analysis reveals a society where restrictive attitudes toward foreigners are widespread, generationally inflected, and grounded in traditional and authoritarian values. This reflects a tension that Japanese policymakers and the public have struggled to resolve: the economic case for accepting more foreign workers is clear, yet it sits uneasily alongside deep-rooted ideas of cultural cohesion and ethnic homogeneity.

Future research could sharpen this picture by distinguishing among Japanese people’s views of foreign tourists, short-term workers and long-term residents.

How the Japanese public views its growing foreign population will continue to matter in future Japanese elections. Similarly, how the government responds will offer an important test case for neighbouring East Asian societies grappling with similar tensions.

Peter Chai does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

KULAI, June 9 — A marketing officer claimed to have lost RM343,190 after allegedly falling victim to a non-existent investment scheme that promised unusually high returns.

Kulai police chief ACP Tan Seng Lee said the 46-year-old woman was lured into participating in the investment programme that claimed to offer profits of between 20 and 30 per cent within 24 hours.

According to him, the woman claimed she was informed that the returns generated from the investment would be credited into her account through an application known as “Shugoa AI Investment”.

Believing the scheme to be legitimate, the victim proceeded to make 13 payment transactions amounting to RM343,190 into 10 different local bank accounts between Sept 14, 2025 and April 18 this year.

“Subsequently, the victim checked the application and found that it showed accumulated profits amounting to RM1.5 million.

“However, when she attempted to withdraw the funds, she discovered that her account had been blocked,” he said in a statement today.

Realising she may have been deceived, the woman lodged a police report yesterday.

Tan said the case is being investigated under Section 420 of the Penal Code for cheating. — Bernama

Thai Deputy Prime Minister and Transport Minister Phiphat Ratchakitprakarn said the project is a key component of the Southern Economic Corridor and a strategic logistics network linking Thailand's transport system with international freight routes.

LONDON, June 12 — British Defence Secretary John Healey quit yesterday, accusing beleaguered Prime Minister Keir Starmer and the finance ministry of failing to commit enough money to protect the country.

His resignation weakens Starmer’s authority at a precarious moment for the Labour leader, a week before a by-election that could prompt a bid to replace him.

In stinging criticism, Healey warned that Starmer’s long-awaited Defence Investment Plan (DIP) for funding over the next decade—which the leader has yet to publish—risked making Britain “less safe”.

“You have been unable, and the Treasury has been unwilling, to commit the resources that the nation needs to defend the country at this time of rising threats,” Healey wrote in a resignation letter to Starmer posted on his X account.

“After explaining to you that I would not be able to accept a DIP settlement that does not give our Forces the resources they need, I am now left with no other option than to submit my resignation.”

Hours later, Starmer wrote back to Healey saying his spending plans would allow the armed forces to transform and modernise, adding: “I will always do what is needed to keep our country safe.”

In the evening Al Carns, another MP sometimes mooted as a possible leadership candidate, resigned as armed forces minister, along with Healey aide Pamela Nash.

Former army officer Dan Jarvis was named as Healey’s replacement, moving from a junior ministerial post at the Home Office.

The defence plan has been repeatedly delayed but Starmer has insisted he will publish it before a NATO summit in Turkey on July 7.

Starmer’s centre-left government, elected in July 2024 following 14 years of Conservative rule, has pledged to raise spending and prioritise NATO, as the threat from Russia grows.

US President Donald Trump has repeatedly urged NATO allies to spend more and become less reliant on Washington for security.

Starmer has vowed to raise defence spending to 2.5 percent of economic output from next year, increasing to three percent if Labour wins the next general election, expected in 2029, before reaching 3.5 percent in 2035.

But media reports have suggested discontent behind the scenes over the specifics of the spending plan.

Healey said in his letter he was first given full sight of the DIP on Monday and it sees defence spending rise to only 2.68 percent of output in 2030.

A source close to the former defence secretary told AFP the deal offered by the finance ministry did not put a date on the three percent commitment.

The plan fell “well short of what is required for defence and the country at this dangerous time”, Healey wrote.

Labour MP Tan Dhesi, chair of parliament’s defence committee, said the government must take Healey’s warning “with the utmost seriousness”, calling his resignation “a grave moment”.

Starmer faces political peril in next Thursday’s contest when Greater Manchester mayor Andy Burnham stands for the Makerfield parliamentary seat.

Both men have said they would participate in any Labour leadership race, although none has yet been triggered.

Wes Streeting quit as health secretary last month following disastrous local and regional election results for Labour and has also said he would run in any future contest.

Healey has been talked about as another potential contender, but there was no immediate suggestion that his resignation is linked to the leadership speculation.

It “underlines that Starmer has become a lame duck prime minister who cannot get decisions through his own government”, Patrick Diamond, a politics professor at Queen Mary University of London, told AFP.

The investment plan, originally due to be published in late 2025, has repeatedly been pushed back, to the frustration of industry and others.

Healey’s resignation “creates a sequence of political headaches”, starting with finding a new minister and then trying to get the investment plan published, said Ed Arnold, senior associate fellow at the RUSI think-tank. — AFP

After more than three decades of cooperation, the EU has become one of Vietnam’s leading partners, contributing significantly to the country’s international integration and sustainable development.

Vietnam's Z121 Vina Pyrotech impressed spectators at Da Nang International Fireworks Festival (DIFF) 2026 with a display deeply rooted in national identity. Using modern pyrotechnic technology, the team recreated the image of the palm tree, a symbol of the ancestral land of Phu Tho, before closing with a spectacular synchronised fireworks finale set to the iconic song Noi vong tay lon (Joining Hands Together), drawing enthusiastic applause from audiences.

KUALA LUMPUR, June 12 — Malaysian consumers, already weathering months of relentless price hikes, face a sobering warning: the worst may yet be coming.

According to the latest industry report from Retail Group Malaysia (RGM), a fresh wave of retail price increases is expected to hit this month.

This new surge arrives as the country grapples with an inflationary environment that has been steadily deteriorating since the start of the year. Inflation rose 1.6 per cent in the first quarter of 2026, only to jump further to 1.9 per cent in April alone.

The categories driving this spike mirror the daily struggle of the average household: insurance and financial services surged 4.9 per cent, personal care and miscellaneous services climbed 4.8 per cent, and transport costs rose 4.1 per cent.

Even the simple act of dining at restaurants, cafes, and takeaway outlets saw a rise of 2.6 per cent.

“To make matters worse, new wave of retail price increases is expected to begin from June this year,” RGM said in its report.

The root cause of this mounting pressure is thousands of kilometres away. The escalation of conflict between the US, Israel, and Iran in February has sent fuel prices spiralling.

Between the first week of March and the first week of June, unsubsidised RON95 jumped 39 per cent, from RM2.67 to RM3.72 per litre. Diesel prices in Peninsular Malaysia were hit even harder, climbing 45 per cent to reach RM4.67.

These costs do not stay confined to the petrol pump; they bleed into every corner of the economy. RGM notes that the “fuel effect” has already inflated prices for a staggering array of essentials: from groceries and dining out to car repairs, house rentals, medical consultations, tuition fees, and even airline tickets.

The latest warning suggests this list is about to grow longer.

The timing is particularly precarious. RGM’s initial projection of 3.7 per cent retail growth for Q1 2026 already fell short of the 4.4 per cent retailers had hoped for in March.

Now, heading into the second half of the year, RGM has slashed its full-year retail sales growth forecast from 4.0 per cent to 3.8 per cent, citing the direct hit the conflict has taken on consumer purchasing power.

This caution is echoed at the highest levels of government. The Malaysian government has revised its annual inflation forecast upward to between 1.5 per cent and 2.5 per cent,a significant jump from the previous estimate of 1.3 per cent to 2.0 per cent.

RGM suggests the final figure will likely lean toward the upper end of that range.

For the manufacturing sector, the pressure is compounding. Prolonged conflict in the Middle East has not only spiked energy prices but disrupted supply chains and inflated logistics costs.

Manufacturers are now trapped in a difficult balancing act: absorb these costs and risk their margins, or pass them on to the consumer.

For the ordinary Malaysian, the implication is straightforward: the pinch felt at the petrol station, the grocery store, and the dining table is set to intensify.

With retailers across multiple sectors already adjusting prices to survive rising input costs, households must brace for a tighter budget.

RGM’s report also offers no sign of a reversal before the year ends, marking the second half of 2026 as a period of high-stakes navigation for both businesses and consumers.