President Donald Trump faces a critical legal deadline on Friday that could determine the future of US military operations against Iran, even as his administration signals it may rely on a controversial legal interpretation to bypass congressional approval.

Under the War Powers Resolution of 1973, a US president must terminate military action within 60 days of notifying Congress unless lawmakers authorise the operation.

The Trump administration formally notified Congress on March 2 following joint US-Israeli strikes launched on February 28, setting up a May 1 deadline.

But administration officials now argue that the deadline may not apply, claiming that a ceasefire with Iran — in place since April 7 — effectively ended “hostilities” under the law. A senior official told reporters the conflict had “terminated” for War Powers purposes, allowing the White House to continue operations without seeking congressional approval.

US Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth reinforced that position during congressional testimony on Thursday, saying the statutory clock “pauses or stops in a ceasefire.”

The claim has triggered sharp pushback from lawmakers and legal experts, who argue that the War Powers Resolution contains no such provision.

Democratic Senator Tim Kaine rejected the interpretation outright, saying “the statute does not allow the president to suspend the 60-day limit” based on a truce. His objection reflects broader concerns among Democrats that the administration is attempting to sidestep Congress’s constitutional authority to declare war.

The War Powers Resolution was enacted in the aftermath of the Vietnam War to prevent presidents from engaging in prolonged military conflicts without legislative oversight. It requires presidents to either obtain congressional authorisation or withdraw forces within 60 days, with a possible 30-day extension in limited circumstances.

Legal analysts say the administration’s reliance on a ceasefire loophole is highly questionable. Experts note that the law makes no mention of ceasefires as grounds for resetting or pausing the clock, particularly when military pressure — including a naval blockade — continues.

Some legal scholars also point out that previous presidents have stretched or ignored the War Powers Resolution, often arguing that it is unconstitutional or does not apply to limited military engagements.

However, critics argue that the scale of the current conflict with Iran — including sustained strikes and economic warfare — makes that argument harder to sustain.

The political response in Congress remains deeply divided. Democrats have repeatedly introduced resolutions to compel the administration to either seek authorisation or end military operations. All such efforts have failed in both chambers, largely along party lines.

Republicans, who control Congress by narrow margins, have mostly backed the president or avoided direct confrontation. Senate Majority Leader John Thune indicated “there are no immediate plans to hold a vote authorizing the war, reflecting a broader reluctance within the party to challenge Trump’s authority.

At the same time, some Republicans have expressed unease. Senator Susan Collins said the 60-day limit “is not a suggestion; it is a requirement,” and warned that any further military action must be supported by a clear strategy and congressional approval.

The debate underscores a longstanding constitutional tension in the United States between the executive and legislative branches over war-making powers. While the president serves as commander-in-chief, the Constitution grants Congress the authority to declare war — a balance that has increasingly tilted toward the executive in recent decades.

Beyond Washington, the legal uncertainty comes amid a fragile and incomplete ceasefire between the United States and Iran. Although direct military exchanges have paused, both sides continue to exert pressure through economic and strategic means.

Iran has effectively restricted shipping through the Strait of Hormuz, a vital artery for global energy supplies, while the United States has responded with a naval blockade targeting Iranian oil exports. The standoff has contributed to volatility in global oil markets, with prices rising sharply in recent days amid fears of prolonged disruption.

Diplomatic efforts have so far failed to produce a breakthrough. President Trump, speaking at the White House, dismissed suggestions that negotiations had stalled, saying only a small circle of officials was aware of the details and insisting that Iran “wants to make a deal badly.”

Meanwhile, US military planners are preparing options should the ceasefire collapse. Reports indicate that the US Central Command has developed plans for a “short and powerful” wave of strikes aimed at forcing Iran back to negotiations.

Other options under consideration include securing Iran’s stockpile of highly enriched uranium or expanding control over key maritime routes.

Analysts say the Trump administration may ultimately choose to ignore the deadline or reinterpret the ceasefire as marking the end of one phase of the conflict and the beginning of another — effectively resetting the legal clock.

Such a move would likely intensify legal and political challenges, potentially setting the stage for a broader constitutional confrontation between Congress and the White House.

PESHAWAR: A police constable was martyred on Friday when militants targeted an armoured police vehicle with a rocket and sniper attack at Kingar Jan Bahadar, within the jurisdiction of Mandan Police Station near the Fatah Khel police post in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa’s Bannu district.

The attack occurred while the vehicle was on a routine patrol.

According to the police, the assault was sudden, causing severe damage to the vehicle and leaving driver, a constable, critically injured. He later succumbed to his injuries.

A civilian present at the scene was also injured and was taken to the District Headquarters Hospital, where he is currently receiving medical treatment. Hospital sources confirmed that the injured civilian is out of danger.

Following the incident, police and security agencies cordoned off the area and launched a large-scale search and combing operation.

Police officials stated that all available resources are being utilised to arrest the militants, while security in the area has been placed on high alert.

Bannu district has been the scene of repeated security incidents in recent months, with both civilians and local security forces coming under attack amid a broader surge in militant violence. The violence has included attacks on police and jirga members, prompting targeted operations by police and security forces in various localities to disrupt militant networks.

At least six terrorists were killed early on Wednesday when the Bannu police successfully repelled a major attack on the Mazanga police post, according to officials.

On Sunday, a police head constable and his five-year-old daughter were injured when unidentified motorcyclists opened fire near Bannu’s Shahdev area. The same day, the bomb disposal squad defused an improvised explosive device (IED) in the jurisdiction of Kakki police station, averting a major tragedy.

China’s foreign minister on Thursday urged the United States to maintain “stability” between the two powers and warned that Taiwan posed the biggest risk, weeks before President Donald Trump visits Beijing.

In a call with US Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Foreign Minister Wang Yi said that Beijing and Washington should “safeguard the hard-won stability” in China-US relations, China’s foreign ministry said.

The talks also discussed the Middle East, where China has been a key partner of Tehran but has largely kept its distance after Trump joined Israel in attacking Iran, sending global oil prices spiralling.

A State Department official confirmed the phone call and said it was to arrange Trump’s trip but did not give further details.

Trump is scheduled to visit China on May 14-15 to see President Xi Jinping — the Republican billionaire’s first trip to the rival power since returning to the White House in January 2025.

During Trump’s first year back in office, Washington and Beijing clashed over trade and tariffs until a truce was declared in October, when Trump and Xi met in South Korea.

“Both sides should safeguard the hard-won stability, prepare well for key high-level interactions, expand areas of cooperation” and manage their differences, Wang told Rubio, according to a readout from the Chinese foreign ministry.

While ties have “generally remained stable” under Trump and Xi, Wang “emphasised that the Taiwan issue concerns China’s core interests and is the biggest risk point in China-US relations”, it said.

Beijing claims Taiwan as part of its territory awaiting reunification and is sharply critical of US military assistance to the self-ruled island and its support of Taipei on the international stage.

“The United States must honor its commitments and make the right choices, opening new perspectives for bilateral cooperation and do its part to promote world peace,” Wang said.

The statement from the Chinese ministry said Wang and Rubio had “exchanged views” on the situation in the Middle East, without offering further details.

I ONCE made the mistake of watching one Republic TV reel, and now my algorithm refuses to believe I want nothing to do with Arnab Goswami and his nightly shouting festival. Lately, the familiar theatre has returned on my timeline, and this time, the speculation-fuelled ‘geopolitical analysis’ is pure comedy. And that too not the sharp wit of satire, but the kind of ‘comedy’ associated with the comedian Carrot Top in full performance mode.

“This just in: our sources say US Vice President J.D. Vance would turn back mid-flight rather than reach Pakistan for talks,” declared one anchor in a reel. Another gravely informed viewers that Donald Trump was “scared” for Vance’s security in Pakistan. Yet another featured Arnab Goswami on the verge of a literal meltdown, demanding to know how Pakistan could mediate between the US and Iran.

And the theatre continues, as usual. Anyone who has ever watched these studios knows the format: shouting anchors, flashing graphics and outrage dressed up as analysis. None of that is new. What is new this time is the target of the anger: peace talks between the US and Iran, hosted and mediated by Islamabad.

On the face of it, they are criticising Pakistan for facilitating diplomacy. But that invites a simple question: is this war not hurting India too? The conflict has already pressured the Indian rupee, raised fuel costs, disrupted gas supplies, and unsettled markets. India’s dependence on Middle Eastern energy, its shipping exposure around the Strait of Hormuz, and its large workforce in the Gulf mean regional instability carries real economic consequences. Even Indian markets recovered on hopes of de-escalation. In other words, Pakistan-backed peace efforts stand to benefit ordinary Indians as much as anyone else.

Rather than explain why peace serves Indian interests, the ‘Godi media’ sells anger against Pakistan.

And yet a substantial segment of the Indian media — sarcastically called ‘Godi media’ for its perceived closeness to Narendra Modi and his government — chooses hostility over honesty. Rather than explain why peace serves Indian interests, it sells anger against Pakistan. Which raises another obvious question: if peace serves Indian material interests, why the visible rage? And the answer is simple: because outrage rates better than economics.

To understand this, one has to deconstruct what I call the ‘Outrage Machine’, a conceptual model I developed to explain the political economy of hate. It applies with unsettling consistency across countries and contexts: in India, Bangladesh, Pakistan, the US, and nearly anywhere resentment can be converted into revenue, ratings, votes or influence.

At its core, the Outrage Machine is a system in which rage and hate are not accidents of public life but are deliberately manufactured, amplified and monetised products. Politicians harvest it for power, media outlets package it for attention, platforms reward it with reach and audiences are conditioned to consume it daily. Hate in this model becomes the actual currency of the system.

The mechanics of the Outrage Machine are cyclical, which is why it is so effective.

Television studios manufacture nightly anger through sensational framing, selective panels and theatrical language. But much of this content is now designed for social media first: short, explosive clips built to travel fast and provoke reaction. Platforms then amplify the loudest material because outrage drives engagement. Political demagogues harvest that sentiment, posing as defenders against permanent enemies they often helped invent in the first place. Citizens absorb and repeat the narratives, mistaking repetition for truth.

That public anger is then fed back into newsrooms as proof of ‘national mood’, giving media an even clearer strategy for the next cycle of rage. Media creates it, platforms spread it, politics weaponises it, the public performs it, and the machine begins again. It is a closed loop of profit, power and prejudice, and every major player profits.

Once audiences are repeatedly fed a diet of grievance and perpetual threat, they begin to require stronger doses. What once seemed extreme becomes normal. What once seemed theatrical becomes expectation. Calm starts to feel dull. Negotiation appears weak. Peace becomes suspicious because it interrupts a revenue model built on conflict. The deeper tragedy is that societies eventually pay a price for consuming too much synthetic rage. Public debate becomes infantilised. Citizens are encouraged to think in binaries rather than interests. Economic pain is ignored if hatred remains emotionally satisfying. Diplomacy is judged theatrically rather than strategically.

Pakistan’s role in peace talks did not create the backlash. It merely exposed the dependence. When media systems, digital platforms and political entrepreneurs become accustomed to extracting value from hostility, any gesture that lowers tensions becomes a threat to business. In such an environment, peace is not opposed because it fails. It is opposed because it works. This is why it is too simple to describe what we are witnessing as mere hate, especially about the case at hand, ie, the peace talks mediated by Pakistan. Hate suggests raw emotion. What often appears on screen is more calculated than that. It is curated antagonism, and conflict packaged for ratings, monetised through clicks, rewarded by algorithms and repurposed into political capital.

Brewing hate for use against an external enemy is like overloading a nuclear plant to generate more power. For a while, the energy seems useful: ratings rise, votes consolidate and the crowd stays mobilised. But systems built on dangerous excess eventually turn inward. Pressure builds, safeguards erode and what was meant for the outside begins exploding within. India has already seen warnings of this blowback. BBC reported that from 2016 to 2018, at least 31 people were killed in lynchings linked to rumours spread largely through social media. Hate manufactured for export rarely stays at the border; sooner or later, it detonates at home.

The writer is the founder of Media Matters for Democracy.

Published in Dawn, May 1st, 2026

ACCORDING to the World Health Organisation and UNAIDS, Pakistan has one of the fastest-growing HIV epidemics in Asia. Meanwhile, WHO’s Global Hepatitis Report 2026 identifies Pakistan as the single largest contributor to the global burden of hepatitis C. Are these two facts coincidental? Sadly, no. They are tragically intertwined. Both HIV and hepatitis C are blood-borne infections, transmitted when infected blood ent­ers the human body. Both can also spread through sexual contact. And both, if untreated, are potentially fatal. The pathways through which these diseases spread are ubiquitous in Pakistan’s healthcare and social practices. But we also suffer from a dangerous form of collective myopia.

When there is a media report of an outbreak of HIV — Taunsa being the latest — we have a hysterical fit, we hyperventilate, we deny, we defend, we look for a conspiracy, we blame, we want to kill the messenger who brings the bad message and we also quietly desire in our hearts, and even pray, that it passes quickly so that we can go back to our comfortable slumber. If you are finding it difficult to understand this description, then please see the press conference of a provincial health minister held after the BBC’s documentary on Taunsa. Before we can control these diseases, we must treat this myopia.

Should we not feel a sense of national shame that Pakistan is home to one of the world’s largest populations of hepatitis C patients — an estimated 10 million — many of whom continue to suffer and die unnecessarily? At the same time, HIV has been knocking at our doors, yet our response is fragmented and inadequate. Domestic investment in HIV/AIDS is minimal and we continue to rely heavily on the Global Fund. Our attention shifts from one outbreak to another, without building sustained, systemic responses.

The persistence of blood-borne infections in Pakistan reflects a broader failure of governance.

Globally, the trajectory is different. In most countries, new HIV infections and AIDS-related deaths are declining. The world has learned hard lessons, particularly from sub-Saharan Africa, where the epidemic once devastated societies and economies. Through a combination of political commitment, widespread testing, effective antiretroviral therapy, stigma reduction and strong infection prevention measures, countries have reversed the trend. Critical interventions have also included reducing unnecessary injections, eliminating the reuse of disposable syringes, introducing auto-disable syringes and ensuring rigorous screening of all transfused blood. Pakistan, regrettably, has lagged on most of these fronts, and the consequences are visible in the rising number of new infections.

Can this trajectory be reversed? Yes — and Egypt offers a compelling example. In 2008, Egypt had one of the highest hepatitis C prevalence rates in the world, with nearly 10 per cent of its adult population infected. Much of this was attributed to past medical practices involving the reuse of contaminated syringes. Recognising the scale of the crisis, Egypt established a National Committee for the Control of Viral Hepatitis. In 2014, it launched an ambitious nationwide campaign — ‘100 Million Healthy Lives’. More than 60m people were screened. Over 80pc of infected individuals were diagnosed, and more than 4m received free treatment. Within just seven years, prevalence dropped dramatically — from 10pc to 0.5pc. In October 2023, WHO declared Egypt the first country to achieve ‘gold tier’ status for hepatitis C elimination.

I had the opportunity to live and work in Egypt for some years with WHO. In many ways, Egypt is as complex and challenging as Pakistan. The difference lies in one decisive factor: political will. Egypt mobilised its institutions, aligned its policies and executed a clear national strategy. Today, it is not only hepatitis C-free but also supports other countries to replicate its success. Some Egyptian experts have visited Pakistan, yet we remain entangled in bureaucratic rigmarole, unable to launch a comparable national programme for years now. HIV in Pakistan presents an additional, deeply troubling dimension.

Globally, HIV is concentrated among high-risk groups such as people who inject drugs and sex workers. This is also true for Pakistan. However, we face a unique and alarming phenomenon: large numbers of young children are becoming infec­ted. In over 90pc of these cases, the infection is not transmitted from mother to child — the mothers are HIV-negative. Instead, these children are infected through unsafe medical practices: the reuse of disposable syringes, contamination of multi-dose vials and unsafe intravenous infusions.

This pattern was evident in the 2019 outbreak in Ratodero and has resurfaced in Taunsa. In fact, Taunsa represents at least the ninth recorded HIV outbreak in the country. These outbreaks are only the visible tip of a much larger, hidden epidemic. In 2019, when the Ratodero outbreak occurred, I visited the area alongside Sindh’s health minister, Dr Azra Pechuho. What we witnessed was heartbreaking: mothers carrying infected children and running from pillar to post in search of care. Nearly 1,000 children were ultimately diagnosed with HIV — most infected through unsafe injections.

I immediately established a national Task Force on Injection Safety, which developed a comprehensive National Action Plan. A key recommendation was to ban the manufacture, import and use of reusable disposable syringes. This policy was implemented, despite resistance from manufacturers, who were required to transition to auto-disable syringe technology. Eventually, the industry complied.

It is therefore deeply troubling to learn that some manufacturers are reportedly still producing reusable syringes and mislabelling them as auto-disable. This is not merely a regulatory lapse; it is a criminal act. Law-enforcement agencies must act decisively to shut down such operations, and the Drug Regulatory Authority of Pakistan must strengthen post-market surveillance which is currently very weak.

The persistence of blood-borne infections in Pakistan reflects a broader, long-standing failure of governance. Successive governments have not prioritised health, particularly primary healthcare, as evidenced by chronically low public spen­ding. Many of our public health challenges are not technical but failures of governance, accountability and behaviour. The unchecked spread of HIV represents a gathering storm — one that threatens social stability, economic productivity and national development. It must be recognised and addressed as a matter of national security, demanding the same level of political ur­gency and financial commitment. More on this, later.

The writer is a former SAPM on health with ministerial status, adjunct professor of health systems and president of the Pakistan Association of Lifestyle Medicine.

Published in Dawn, May 1st, 2026

KARACHI: The All Pakistan Newspaper Employees Confederation (APNEC) has called for the immediate restoration of advertisements to Dawn, saying the suspension has pushed thousands of media workers into a severe financial crisis.

The demand was made at a meeting of APNEC held at the office of the Pakistan Herald Workers’ Union (PHWU) on Thursday.

According to a statement, the meeting, presided over by APNEC Chairman Shakeel Yamin Kanga, discussed in detail the problems being faced by Dawn employees and other media workers.

The meeting reaffirmed the need for united and practical steps to resolve the issues of media employees.

It also assured full support to PHWU General Secretary Kalbe Ali and urged the federal and provincial governments to immediately resume advertisements for the newspaper.

On the occasion, Karachi Union of Journalists (KUJ) President Tahir Hasan Khan stressed unity among journalists and media workers and called for a joint struggle.

The meeting unanimously passed a resolution demanding the immediate restoration of advertisements to Dawn.

Besides PHWU office-bearers, APNEC Vice Chairman Dara Zafar, Assistant Secretary General Rana Yousuf, Additional Secretary General Obaidullah, Finance Secretary Muhammad Irfan Ali, KUJ General Secretary Sardar Liaquat Kashmiri, Imtiaz Faran and others attended the meeting.

Published in Dawn, May 1st, 2026

THE annual observance of May Day should move beyond statements about the state’s commitment to the rights of workers and serve, instead, as a stock-taking exercise to see how far the nation lags behind in securing fair wages and decent working conditions for the toiling masses.

Currently, many workers in Pakistan have to deal with job insecurity, safety hazards at workplaces, and next to no benefits beyond their meagre wages, which, too, at times are held up on flimsy pretexts. It is also a fact that most workers in the country are part of the informal sector, with only 2-3pc of the workforce unionised. This situation suits most tycoons and business magnates as they can concentrate on maximising profits at the expense of workers’ welfare.

Trade unions have been active in the country since the time of independence, and saw their heyday during Zufikar Ali Bhutto’s government. But since the time of Gen Zia onwards, their power and influence have been diminishing. Today, experts point out, a considerable number of human resource managers themselves are unaware of the labour laws. Ignorance allows employers to deny even those labour rights that are enshrined in the law.

The struggle for securing the legitimate rights of workers across all sectors must continue. Here, the state, unions and progressive employers must all play their part. While unions have also at times affected the working atmosphere negatively through strong-arm tactics, arguably, without effective unions, employers have had a free hand in denying workers their rights. In many instances, employers do not even pay the minimum wage set by the provinces, while contractual hiring is resorted to in order to save on regular employee benefits.

The state is not without blame either; it looks the other way when labour rights are trampled on. For the country to progress, workers deserve fair wages, safe workplaces and quality health and education facilities for their families. These goals can be achieved if the state enforces the labour laws and addresses legal lacunae. Meanwhile, undocumented workers should be registered.

Employers must realise that satisfied and well-paid workers will raise productivity and should refrain from cutting corners and denying workers their rights. Workers are not asking for the moon; they only want dignity, better working conditions and a living wage to help battle the tidal wave of inflation.

Published in Dawn, May 1st, 2026