Three major Naga civil society organisations in Manipur have appealed to Prime Minister Narendra Modi for “urgent intervention” over what they described as a sustained campaign of violence and territorial aggression by Kuki armed groups against Naga villages in the hill districts of the state.

In a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister, the organisations accused Myanmar-based Kuki extremist groups and cadres operating under the SoO (Suspension of Operations) arrangement of carrying out repeated attacks on Naga settlements in districts including Ukhrul and Kamjong.

The memorandum was jointly signed by Ng Lorho of the United Naga Council, Ch. Priscilla Thumai of the Naga Women’s Union, and Th. Angtheshang Maring of the All Naga Students' Association, Manipur.

The organisations alleged that militants belonging to the Kuki National Army-Burma, allegedly aided by SoO groups, attacked villages including Z. Choro, Namlee-Wanglee and Kaka on 7 May, burning houses and displacing residents. They claimed the attacks amounted to a “cross-border military invasion” rather than a conventional ethnic clash.

The memorandum further alleged that drones, rocket launchers and other military-grade weapons were used during the attacks and claimed that armed cadres crossed the India-Myanmar border in significant numbers.

The organisations also criticised the Centre for allegedly failing to uphold the spirit of the 2015 Framework Agreement signed with the National Socialist Council of Nagalim (Isak-Muivah), arguing that continued accommodation of Kuki armed groups despite alleged attacks on Naga villages undermined the credibility of the peace process.

They urged the Centre to immediately launch operations to evict members of the KNA-B, the People's Democratic Force and SoO cadres from Naga-inhabited areas.

The organisations also demanded guarantees that no future administrative arrangement would alter Naga ancestral territories, restoration of unrestricted movement along Manipur’s highways, and a time-bound judicial inquiry into the recent attacks and alleged security lapses.

Referring to Article 355 of the Constitution, the groups said the Centre had a constitutional responsibility to protect states against external aggression and internal disturbance.

The memorandum further stated that the “continued appeasement of Kuki armed groups” amounted to a “proxy war” against the Naga people despite the Centre’s historic peace engagement with Naga groups.

The signatories urged the Prime Minister to ensure that the Indo-Naga peace process reaches a “logical and acceptable conclusion”, asserting that a just political settlement was essential for long-term peace and national security in India’s eastern frontier region.

At least four police personnel were suspended and two home guards disengaged from service on Sunday, 10 May, hours after the Crime Branch (CB) of Odisha Police began investigating the lynching of a Government Railway Police (GRP) constable by a mob on the outskirts of Bhubaneswar on 7 May over allegations that he had attempted to rape a woman.

The Crime Branch took over the investigation a day after chief minister Mohan Charan Majhi directed Odisha Police to hand over the case, citing the sensitivity of the incident. The matter has drawn further attention after the woman complainant alleged sexual assault and the family of the deceased constable demanded a polygraph test for her.

According to the Bhubaneswar-Cuttack Commissionerate Police, the suspended personnel include a sub-inspector, an assistant sub-inspector, a member of the Odisha Armed Police Force posted at Balianta police station and a constable attached to a Police Control Room (PCR) vehicle. They were suspended on charges of dereliction of duty.

Two home guards who were part of the PCR van staff were disengaged from service and their parent organisations informed, officials said.

Sources said the suspended personnel were among the first responders at the spot near Ramachandrapur bridge on the Hanspal-Bhingarpur Road, where 32-year-old GRP constable Soumya Ranjan Swain was lynched by a mob after allegations emerged that he had attempted to rape a woman.

Inspector-in-charge of Balianta police station Anil Kumar Parida has been shifted and attached to the Bhubaneswar headquarters. Inspector Rashmita Behera has been posted as the new officer-in-charge of the police station.

On Saturday, the slain constable’s father Dhusasan Swain alleged that his son was beaten to death in the presence of police personnel. He also claimed that some policemen assaulted his son along with the mob.

The Crime Branch has formed two separate teams to investigate the two cases registered in connection with the incident. One team is probing the alleged attempted rape, while the other is investigating the mob lynching, officials said. Crime Branch SP Anirudha Routyray and DSP Ratnaprava Satpathy have already visited the spot and begun the investigation.

“Considering the sensitiveness of the cases registered over alleged sexual assault to the victim in public view and subsequent death of one Soumya Ranjan Swain by the mob, CID Crime Branch, Odisha, Cuttack took over the investigation by the order of the DGP, Odisha,” the Crime Branch said in a statement.

Crime Branch DIG Battula Gangadhar said the investigating teams would examine all aspects of the case using scientific methods. “The teams will look into different angles of the cases and use scientific methods to bring a logical end to the matter. The officers will talk to the investigating officer of Balianta police station, visit the spot where the man was lynched by the mob. We will examine all witnesses, PCR van personnel, police officers and related documents,” he said.

Gangadhar added that forensic science teams, dog squads and other investigative tools would be used during the probe. He said legal and departmental action would be initiated if negligence by any police officer was established.

So far, police have arrested 11 people for their alleged involvement in the lynching. According to police, Swain was beaten to death while another person, Om Prakash Rout, sustained injuries after a group of around 40 people attacked them in the Balianta police station area on the outskirts of Bhubaneswar.

Police said the incident occurred at around 11.30 am on 7 May when two women travelling on a scooter were allegedly hit from behind by Swain and his 20-year-old companion Rout.

The women fell on the road, after which Swain allegedly assaulted them and attempted to rape one of them, police said. The woman’s clothes were allegedly torn and she lost consciousness, following which local residents gathered and chased the two men.

With PTI inputs

Israel on Sunday deported two foreign activists detained for more than a week after leading an aid flotilla attempting to breach the Israeli naval blockade of the Gaza Strip, according to Israeli authorities and activist groups.

The two deported activists were Saif Abukeshek, a Spanish-Swedish citizen of Palestinian origin, and Brazilian activist Thiago Ávila. Both are members of the steering committee of the Global Sumud Flotilla, which organised the maritime mission aimed at delivering humanitarian aid to Gaza and challenging Israel’s naval restrictions.

The activists were among 175 people aboard 22 vessels intercepted by the Israeli navy off the coast of Crete last week while attempting to sail towards Gaza.

The Israeli Foreign Ministry described the activists as “professional provocateurs” and defended the naval blockade, saying Israel would not permit any attempt to breach what it termed a lawful maritime security measure.

At the time of their detention, Israeli authorities alleged that Abukeshek was suspected of links with a terrorist organisation while Ávila was suspected of involvement in illegal activities, though no public evidence or formal charges were released.

Spain, Brazil criticise detentions

The governments of Spain and Brazil earlier condemned what they described as the “kidnapping” of their citizens in international waters by Israel. The detentions triggered solidarity demonstrations in several countries.

Activists associated with the flotilla alleged that Israeli forces boarded the vessels forcefully, damaged boat engines and detained passengers during the operation carried out hundreds of kilometres from Israeli territory. Israeli authorities said early interception was necessary because of the size of the flotilla.

The latest mission came less than a year after Israeli authorities intercepted another flotilla involving around 50 vessels and nearly 500 activists, including climate campaigner Greta Thunberg and Mandla Mandela, grandson of former South African president Nelson Mandela.

Fresh Israeli strike reported in Gaza

Meanwhile, in Gaza, an Israeli airstrike on a vehicle in Khan Younis killed at least two people, including a Hamas police officer, according to medical officials and Gaza’s civil defence agency.

The strike reportedly targeted a vehicle in the Al-Amal neighbourhood of southern Khan Younis. Those killed included Col. Wessam Abdel-Hadi, identified as head of the police investigation department in the city.

The Israel Defense Forces said it was reviewing the incident.

The deaths add to casualties reported since the fragile ceasefire arrangement reached in October to halt the war between Israel and Hamas. Although large-scale fighting has reduced, Israeli strikes and exchanges of fire have continued almost daily.

According to Gaza’s health ministry, more than 850 Palestinians have been killed since the ceasefire came into effect, though Israel says many operations were conducted in response to militant activity and attacks on its forces.

Since the time US President Donald Trump contemplated a summit with Chinese President Xi Jinping during his proposed visit to Beijing on 14-15 May — rescheduled from late March — the balance of power in world affairs has shifted.

Trump’s failure to knock out Iran in an unlawful, unprovoked, pre-emptive strike — indeed to be checkmated by that proud Asian nation — means he will arrive in the Chinese capital with a relatively weak hand. India’s northern neighbour will attempt to make the best of this, though Trump is bound to spin it differently.

Joerg Wuttke, a former president of the European Union Chamber of Commerce in China, told the media, “The US is fighting without winning, China is winning without fighting.”

William Klein, a US diplomat who organised Trump’s sojourn to Beijing in 2017, disagreed somewhat. Speaking to reporters earlier this week he said, “The leverage hasn’t changed, it hasn’t strengthened, or [at least] it hasn’t weakened because of the Iran war to date”. He did however admit, “Obviously, the Iran war casts a shadow on the visit, will shape this visit…”

Iran is China’s closest partner in the Persian Gulf. Therefore, for the People’s Republic, American aggression was not only an assault against a friend, but a proxy attack on China. Iran’s oil and gas supplies, which are vital for the Chinese economy, have been disrupted by the US Navy’s presence in the Gulf and latterly its blockade of Iranian ship movement. A former Chinese diplomat Cui Hongjian went on record to say the West Asia crisis has “seriously disrupted” China’s overall planning.

CNN quoted an informed Chinese source as giving the impression that the US’s “conflict with Iran [had] potentially strengthened its ‘negotiating position’.” Beijing views the upcoming meeting as a singular opportunity to secure a more stable long-term relationship with Washington.

“Of course, Trump would want to visit China after he’s finished with Iran, so he can project power… but if he were to attack Iran after visiting China, it would appear as if China has abandoned Iran,” the source added. America’s current control over Venezuela’s crude exports has, incidentally, hurt China considerably.

Modern China is a creation of the US. In the early 1970s, US President Richard Nixon and his Machiavellian national security adviser (later secretary of state) Henry Kissinger, not merely rescued a sinking Chinese economy under Mao Zedong, but midwifed an economic boom — to spite the Soviet Union, then Washington’s main adversary.

The avowed purpose was to drive a wedge in the communist cosmos between Moscow and Beijing so as to weaken the former. Consequently, China today is not only a fiscal giant but also a military and technological powerhouse challenging America’s more than a century-old supremacy.

The climate is not conducive to the highest-level talks that were originally envisaged to discuss and readjust economic relations between the planet’s two biggest economies. After the US supreme court nullified Trump’s hostile tariff policy, Trumps hands are somewhat tied and China’s negotiating position is stronger.

Last month, the US treasury blacklisted five Chinese refiners. The Chinese government declared Trump’s earlier executive order on the subject as unenforceable on Chinese soil. Fortune magazine highlighted the Chinese ministry of commerce announcement last week that China ‘shall not recognise’, ‘shall not enforce’ and ‘shall not comply with’ US sanctions as ‘unprecedented’. Other such acts of defiance may well be on the cards.

The world is in turmoil following the US-Israeli action against Iran, and Tehran’s tactical response of attacking US military bases and energy generating plants in the Arab nations near it and blocking the critical Strait of Hormuz. Global oil and gas prices have skyrocketed. Stock markets have collapsed. Shortages and inflation are on the rise everywhere.

China has been clever enough not to show its hand. But, along with Russia, it is one of the two behind-the-scenes forces assisting Iran to tackle US-Israel aerial bombardment. While the Islamic regime wasn’t short of drones and missiles to counteract the threat, its air defences were inadequate. China stepped in to alleviate deficiency and replenish equipment, much to Trump’s chagrin.

The Chinese sensed the vulnerability behind Trump’s bravado — which, as his plummeting approval rating among Americans reflects, no intelligent person takes seriously — and went on the offensive. In effect, the US and China are indirect combatants in the Iranian theatre of war.

While China has, admittedly, refrained from directly criticising Trump in the run-up to his trip, it is expected to leverage its vast domestic market and dominance in the rare earth supply chain.

The Chinese government’s number one ambition is to absorb capitalist pro-America Taiwan into its mainland. Since WWII, the US has provided a security guarantee to the government in Taipei, a cause of ceaseless friction between Washington and Beijing. China clearly wants the US to dial down its support for an independent Taiwan.

South China Morning Post, a longstanding daily published out of Hong Kong, carried Trump’s widely reported claim that his trip to China ‘is going to be amazing’.

The word ‘amazing’ in the English language has multiple meanings. The US president’s intended messaging is not necessarily in sync with general interpretation.

For a start, he is intellectually incapable of substantive dialogue and agreements. His tendency to opt for ‘framework’ arrangements is testimony to this. In his second term as president, his ability to attend to detail has shrunk even further with age — he is now 79. In other words, any deal with Beijing could be patchwork, even unfavourable.

From an Indian standpoint, Trump’s plan is disturbing. That he chose to go to China before coming to India — a strategic ‘partner’ — reiterated that his worldview was drastically different from that of his predecessors. It is unsurprising that he considers China to be more important to US interests than India. What is worrying is that the containment of China’s hegemonistic designs may not be his priority.

China poses the greatest of all threats to India’s security. QUAD — constituted between the US, Japan, India and Australia — was mounted to discourage Chinese expansionism. Given Trump’s recent and rather public spats — over the West Asia conflict with Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese and over new Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi’s nationalist outlook — not to mention the short shrift extended to Narendra Modi, it is difficult to visualise QUAD playing a robust role during the current US presidency.

America’s closest post-war alliance has been with Europe. This is crumbling because of Trump’s softness towards the Kremlin. With US troops pulling out, NATO’s military protection to Germany — post-WWII disarmament — is being weakened. The same could occur in Spain and Italy, even Britain. These four countries, like the rest of the European continent, have openly opposed Trump’s war against Iran.

Similarly, the US’s commitment to Japan, which has the largest contingent of American troops stationed anywhere outside the US, cannot be taken for granted under Trump. Likewise for South Korea and Washington’s other Asian allies. As for Modi, his premeditated and ill-considered tilt towards the US, his physical and metaphorical embrace of Trump, has, if anything, exploded in his face.

Ashis Ray was formerly editor-at-large of CNN, and is the author of The Trial that Shook Britain. More of his writing can be found here

Behind the hype over King Charles’s ‘bravura’ performance in Washington — his gag-packed swipe at populist Trumpism — lies a rather twisted backstory of his relations with the media.

Its breathless and fawning coverage of his US visit, variously hailed as a ‘historic’ and ‘landmark’ event, represents a new phase in that chequered relationship; a ‘love-in’ that would once have been unthinkable.

Until some years ago, when he finally ascended the throne at the ripe age of 73 — an age when monarchs normally think of retiring — Charles was the media’s favourite whipping boy. A pampered man-child who couldn’t get anything right, not even squeeze toothpaste onto his brush — a loyal valet would do it for him.

He was also mocked for his ‘spidery’ incomprehensible handwriting—made even more unintelligible by his use of green ink (a nod to his love for the environment). His talking to plants was another topic of amusement.

Every time he opened his mouth, his half-mumbled remarks were seized by cartoonists and sketch writers to poke fun at him and question his suitability for the ‘top job’. Rumours in the media had it that one reason why the Queen continued to cling on to the throne despite her age and health problems was that she didn’t trust him with the job.

Dubbed as the man who may never achieve his ambition, there was even talk of skipping a generation and anointing his son William as the Queen’s successor. But all that changed overnight when he did finally get to wear the crown amid a nationwide sympathy wave after his mother’s death in 2022.

The same media that once revelled in ridiculing him suddenly started to discover hidden qualities in him. Within weeks he was transformed from an embarrassment to an asset, and praised for the ‘gravitas’ he brought to his role. The way he conducted himself after being diagnosed with cancer helped in his rehabilitation.

So, there we are: a complete image makeover in a remarkably short period. To be sure, he did live up to his new image in Washington — demonstrating a chutzpah he has not often exhibited. If his Mamma, as he called his mother, were alive she would have permitted herself a wry smile watching her famously stiff upper-lipped son find his tongue, finally.

As for his much adumbrated achievements on this tour, the reality was best summed up by an Indian-origin Times reader, Deepak Sagar, who wrote: ‘So far, the only positive outcome has been the lowering of tariffs on (Scotch) whisky. I would wait for better and longer-term results before jumping to the glory of British institutions and culture.’

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Region, religion and Indian landlords

Once upon a time, white British landlords faced accusations of racism for refusing to rent their homes to Asians and blacks. Today, many Indian expats have been found to discriminate against fellow Indians — from regions and religions other than their own — while letting out their homes.

Advertisements have appeared seeking tenants of specific persuasions or from specific Indian states. One estate agency has advertised rooms ‘available [only] for Muslims’, ‘ONLY [a] Gujarati couple’, ‘only [for] Punjabis’.

Under the law, if a landlord is sharing their home with tenants, they are allowed to rent to people who share their religion to avoid, for example, having alcohol in the house. However, it is illegal even for live-in landlords to advertise for a tenant of a particular religion.

“Race is a protected characteristic under the 2010 Equality Act [which] includes nationality, and an advert in those terms would be discriminatory,” said Arran Dowling-Hussey, a barrister who specialises in property disputes.

Roshan Properties, one such estate agency, said it was reviewing its processes to ensure adverts were “appropriate, inclusive, and in line with legal requirements”.

The government has said that “discrimination against anyone based on their religion or race is illegal, including in the rental sector”, warning that “any landlord not complying with the law should face the consequences”.

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Muslim-Jewish relations at a new low

Events in West Asia — Israel’s violent occupation of Gaza and the US-Israeli invasion of Iran — continue to inflame Muslim-Jewish relations, with any criticism of Israel dubbed ‘antisemitism’ by the Jewish community. Tensions have been further fuelled by the actions of some Muslim fanatics, including physical attacks on Jews.

Last week, after two Jewish men were stabbed in north London by a Somalia-born Muslim man, Britain’s terrorism watchdog declared antisemitism the ‘biggest national emergency since Covid’. Prime Minister Keir Starmer described the attack as “utterly appalling” and said any attacks on “our Jewish community are attacks on Britain”.

Jewish groups have demanded the resignation of Scotland Yard chief Mark Rowley who was heckled with shouts of “shame on you” when he visited the scene of the attack.

And, finally, to return to the ‘Great King Charles Show’, it has set people wondering who scripted the gags. Does the King have a new speech writer?

Bihar Police have registered a case against around 5,000 unidentified aspirants of the TRE-4 (Teacher Recruitment Examination) following clashes during a protest in Patna over delays in issuance of the next teacher recruitment notification by the Bihar Public Service Commission.

Police also arrested four people, including student leader Dilip Kumar, after Friday’s demonstration near the BPSC office turned violent.

The FIR was lodged at Gandhi Maidan Police Station based on a magistrate’s complaint alleging that protesters disrupted traffic, breached barricades, disturbed public order and misbehaved with police personnel deployed at the site.

The protest began with hundreds of teacher recruitment aspirants marching from Patna College towards the BPSC office demanding immediate release of the TRE-4 notification. Police had erected barricades near JP Golambar to stop the procession.

According to protesters, candidates were held back for nearly two hours before tensions escalated after some demonstrators allegedly attempted to push through the barricades. Police subsequently used force, including a lathicharge, to disperse the crowd. Several aspirants, including women candidates, reportedly sustained injuries during the action.

On Saturday, Dilip Kumar was taken into custody and brought to Gardanibagh Hospital for medical examination before being sent to Beur Jail along with three other aspirants after being produced before a court.

“Injustice is being done to students. We are demanding vacancies but are being sent to jail,” Kumar told reporters while being escorted by police.

Patna City SP (Central) Diksha said some protesters became aggressive during the demonstration and attempted to break barricades, leading to confrontation with police.

“During the incident, there was pushing and mild lathicharge. Some police personnel were also injured,” the officer said.

She added that separate cases had also been registered over damage to barricades and clashes with police personnel.

Meanwhile, newly appointed Bihar Education Minister Mithilesh Tiwari appealed to aspirants to remain patient and acknowledged delays in the TRE-4 recruitment process.

“It is possible there has been some delay in TRE-4, and I accept that. But seeing future teachers on the streets and police chasing them is a painful sight for me,” Tiwari said.

The minister described the aspirants as “members of our family” and said the government remained open to discussions with students regarding their demands.

He also indicated that the state intended to move forward with the recruitment process soon.

Over the past two years, Bihar has recruited around 2.27 lakh teachers through TRE-1, TRE-2 and TRE-3, while nearly 3 lakh contractual teachers have reportedly secured state employee status after clearing competency examinations.

The UAE’s decision to walk out of OPEC and OPEC+ is not just about oil. It represents a blunt geopolitical rupture. Abu Dhabi is no longer disguising its rivalry with Saudi Arabia nor walking a tightrope between regional camps. It is openly gravitating towards a new axis consisting of the US, Israel and increasingly India — and this high-risk strategy is deepening conflict lines across regions already on edge.

OPEC, created in 1960, was designed to coordinate oil production and give oil-producing countries collective control over global prices. OPEC+ came into being in 2016 to fold in 10 other countries, including big producers like Russia. For decades, Saudi Arabia dominated both structures, using them as instruments of economic and geopolitical influence. The UAE’s exit strips away part of that leverage and signals that Abu Dhabi no longer accepts Riyadh’s leadership, not just in oil but in the broader regional order.

The economic argument for leaving is straightforward. The UAE wants to produce more oil than OPEC quotas allow because the Iran war has put its economy under great strain. It wants to monetise its reserves quickly, to hedge against a future where fossil fuel demand has declined. But this is only the surface. What lies underneath is a deeper strategic break with Saudi Arabia, stretching across energy policy, military alliances and global partnerships.

The Abraham Accords of 2020 marked a significant geopolitical shift, with the UAE normalising relations with Israel and building cooperation in trade, technology and security. In contrast, Saudi Arabia declined to join the Accord, with Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman maintaining that normalisation of ties with Israel would be contingent on the establishment of a Palestinian state and broader regional considerations.

This divergence between the UAE and Saudi Arabia is growing, and it shows in their external alignments.

Where Saudi Arabia is strengthening ties with Pakistan through a formal defence partnership, the UAE is moving closer to India, expanding cooperation in defence, intelligence, energy and technology, while also embedding itself deeper into a shared strategic space with Israel.

The United States has quietly encouraged this shift. Washington has long viewed OPEC as an obstacle to lower oil prices and greater Western leverage over energy markets. By leaving OPEC, the UAE weakens the cartel’s collective ability to control supply and pricing, opening space for increased Emirati production and greater market volatility that could benefit American oil producers.

Abu Dhabi’s move aligns neatly with broader US strategic interests: weakening Saudi-dominated oil coordination, reducing OPEC’s influence and committing the UAE more deeply to a US-led geopolitical and economic order.

The UAE’s growing proximity to India is also not just economic. It is political and strategic as well and carries serious implications. Abu Dhabi has chosen to align itself with a government in New Delhi whose domestic and regional policies have caused deep concern in the Muslim world. At the same time, India has been moving closer to Israel, expanding defence cooperation, intelligence sharing and technological partnerships.

The convergence of interests — seen in evolving UAE–India ties and India–Israel relations—is not accidental but part of an opportunistic geopolitical realignment that prioritises security cooperation and economic gain without bothering with notions of accountability and justice or a rules-based order.

The UAE’s relations with Pakistan have deteriorated sharply. Abu Dhabi has scaled back financial support, cooled diplomatic engagement and withdrawn from investment commitments. Pakistan was asked to pay back the entire UAE debt of $3.5 billion in April.

So, the UAE–Saudi rivalry will extend beyond West Asia, and what was once a regional competition is now entangled with India–Pakistan dynamics, creating overlapping fault lines. Instead of trying to reduce tensions, the UAE is embedding itself firmly on one side of a deeply polarised geopolitical divide.

The UAE’s broader foreign policy reinforces this pattern. From Yemen to Libya, from Ethiopia and Sudan to the Horn of Africa, Abu Dhabi has pursued influence through strategic investments, military interventions and even proxy actors.

In Yemen, it backed separatist groups that clashed with Saudi-supported forces. In Sudan, it supports paramilitary actors accused of terrible atrocities. In Libya, it armed and financed a rival strongman. It has forged ties with Somaliland. All these actions have entrenched division.

The UAE frames its activism as a fight against extremism and disorder. But the reality is more troubling. It has continued to expand economic, technological and military cooperation with Israel despite its horrific genocidal project in Gaza. Trade has grown and defence and intelligence ties have deepened. The Iran war has only hardened Abu Dhabi’s conviction that its security lies with Israel and the US, not with Arab institutions.

The addition of India to this axis intensifies the problem. By aligning with Netanyahu-led Israel and Modi-led India while distancing itself from traditional partners, the UAE risks deepening divisions across West and South Asia. It also risks undermining its own credibility. A state that claims to promote tolerance cannot indefinitely ignore the implications of its alliances.

Saudi Arabia is not without fault. Its own interventions and ambitions have contributed to regional instability. But the UAE’s challenge is not a progressive alternative. It is a competing model of authoritarian power projection. The rivalry between the two is less about ideology and more about who will dominate the next phase of regional politics.

The risk is that this competition, now intertwined with India-Pakistan dynamics and reinforced by external alliances, will deepen instability across multiple regions. Yemen, Sudan and Libya are already paying the price. South Asia could become another arena for Gulf rivalries to play out.

Ashok Swain is a professor of peace and conflict research at Uppsala University, Sweden. More by the author here

There’s a new hotspot in South Asia’s geopolitics. Located at an altitude of 17,000 feet, Lipulekh Pass is a narrow gap in the ridge line of Uttarakhand’s Kumaon region. A historical trade route, the pass connects India’s Vyas Valley and the Tibet Autonomous Region of China, and is the gateway for the Kailash-Mansarovar Yatra — an important pilgrimage for Hindus, Buddhists and Jains.

Because of its unique position at the junction of the borders of India, China and Nepal, Lipulekh is one of the most strategically sensitive and culturally significant sites in the entire Himalayan range.

On 3 May, the foreign ministry of Nepal issued a formal objection regarding the use of the Lipulekh Pass for the 2026 Kailash-Mansarovar Yatra. In its note, the ministry said: ‘The Government of Nepal is completely clear and adamant on the fact that Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh and Kalapani east of the Mahakali River are integral parts of Nepal since the Sugauli Treaty of 1816.

'The Government of Nepal has reiterated its clear stance and concerns to both India and China through diplomatic channels regarding the Kailash-Mansarovar Yatra, which is said to be organised via Nepali territory… The Government of Nepal has been continuously urging the Government of India not to carry out any activities such as road construction or expansion, border trade and pilgrimage in the area.’

The note also observed that Nepal was not consulted before the route was finalised by India and China. Interestingly, the Kathmandu missive landed just ahead of foreign secretary Vikram Misri’s scheduled visit to Kathmandu on 11 May to discuss bilateral ties and review India-funded projects.

In response, India’s ministry of external affairs spokesman Randhir Jaiswal said: “India’s position in this regard had been consistent and clear. Lipulekh Pass has been a long-standing route for the Kailash-Manasarovar Yatra since 1954 and the Yatra through this route has been going on for decades. This is not a new development.

"As regards territorial claims, India has consistently maintained that such claims are neither justified nor based on historical facts and evidence. Such unilateral artificial enlargement of territorial claims is untenable. India remains open to a constructive interaction with Nepal on all issues in the bilateral relationship, including on resolving agreed outstanding boundary issues through dialogue and diplomacy.”

The Treaty of Sugauli — which Nepal invokes to underscore its sovereign right over Lipulekh Pass, a claim India dismisses — was signed on 2 December 1815 and ratified on 4 March 1816. It ended the Anglo-Nepalese War (1814-16) between the Kingdom of Nepal and the British East India Company and forced Nepal to cede roughly one-third of its territory, including Kumaon, Garhwal and the Terai region. The treaty also formalised the current shape of the India-Nepal border.

Nepal insists that Limpiyadhura, Lipulekh and Kalapani are inseparable parts of its territory; that official diplomatic notes have been sent to both New Delhi and Beijing, urging both to refrain from any activity in the area; and that, despite its objection, Nepal remains committed to resolving boundary disputes through peaceful diplomatic channels.

While the yatra through Lipulekh is not a ‘new development’, what is new is Nepal’s territorial assertion — under the new government headed by Balen Shah — over Lipulekh and its adjoining areas. Also significant is Nepal’s conscious effort to keep both India and China at arm’s length over this issue. Does this stance reflect Nepal’s Gen Z-driven in-your-face irreverence; or is there an invisible hand shepherding Nepal’s foreign policy?

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Nepal’s newly-elected Prime Minister Balen Shah appears to be riding a wave of assertiveness. Social media discussions have identified Aksai Chin and Darjeeling as pressure points in its engagement with India. Viral videos argue ‘If Aksai Chin can be depicted as part of India, why can’t Lipulekh be depicted as part of Nepal’? Similar videos demand that Darjeeling be shown as part of Nepal.

Thus far, Shah remains an elusive figure, even in Nepal. He communicates via social media and appears to be avoiding giving interviews or addressing press conferences. Significantly, he declined to meet Sergio Gor, the US ambassador to India and special envoy for South and Central Asian affairs, during his recent Nepal visit, citing protocol. Unconfirmed reports suggest that Shah has been advised against visiting India unless he is received on arrival by the Indian prime minister. It is not even clear whether Misri will actually get to meet him.

On 30 April, a day before Gor visited the Everest base camp, Nepal’s home ministry suspended the operations of Airlift Technology, a Nepali tech startup and Everest expedition operator, citing unspecified security concerns. Gor was hoping to see flight demos of drones to be used for airlifting garbage and supplies.

According to Kathmandu Post, the order appeared to target two drones — the Chinese-made DJI FlyCart 100 and the US-made Freefly Systems Alta X Gen 2 — both associated with Airlift’s operations and both with 3D-mapping capabilities. The suspension order was lifted after five days.

Kedar Sharma, author, commentator and travel blogger from Nepal told National Herald, “Nepal has asserted its territorial right whenever the question of Lipulekh has come up vis-à-vis India. Allowing Indian pilgrims and traders to use Lipulekh Pass disregarding Nepal’s territorial claim was akin to undermining its broader engagement with Nepal — this seems to be the message the foreign ministry has tried to deliver to China.”

Sharma used the Hindi proverb “Jiski laathi, uski bhains (the one with the stick owns the buffalo)” to describe India’s claim on Lipulekh and dismissed allegations of the US or other countries playing agent provocateur as conspiracy theories suggest. “We tend to see the CIA’s hand even when street dogs fight!”

Nepal’s assertion of its territorial rights along a sensitive border point must, however, be seen in the context of a growing sentiment that no longer regards India as a reliable friend or partner. The sentiment hardened after the blockade in 2015-16 when India imposed restrictions on essential commodities — fuel, medicine and food — from entering landlocked Nepal from India for four-and-a-half months.

While India denied an official blockade and blamed it on the unrest among Nepal’s Madhesi community — who live across the India-Nepal border — the disruption caused a severe humanitarian crisis, made worse in the aftermath of the April 2015 earthquake.

Since then, the prevailing belief is that India forced Nepal to accommodate Madhesi aspirations in its new Constitution by enforcing and leveraging the blockade. India’s decision to reduce the recruitment of Gorkhas in the Indian Army, advising them to opt for the Agnipath scheme instead, has also cooled relations.

Within Nepal, opinion appears divided. Several commentators point out that landlocked Nepal continues to depend on India for key supplies, including fuel and fertilisers. RSS activities in Nepal and India’s contempt — expressed on social media — for its smaller neighbour complicate the relationship further. This has triggered a demand for a US base, military or otherwise, in Nepal as a counterweight to both India and China.

For now, it does seem that Prime Minister Balen Shah, despite his Madhesi ancestry and India connections, is in no mood to ease his grip on Lipulekh to reconnect India and China.

Sourabh Sen is a Kolkata-based independent writer and commentator on politics, human rights and foreign affairs. More of his writing here

The Congress on Sunday stepped up its attack on the Centre over the Great Nicobar Island development project, with senior leader Jairam Ramesh writing to environment minister Bhupender Yadav, warning that the project could “destroy” the island’s fragile ecosystem and urging a complete reassessment of its design.

In his detailed letter, Ramesh said the environmental clearances granted were based on studies that were “grossly inadequate” and accused the process of making a “mockery of the Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) framework”.

“I wish to reiterate that the Great Nicobar Island’s biodiversity is globally unique… it is this unique ecosystem that will be destroyed by the project,” Ramesh wrote, calling for a pause and review of the plan.

He alleged that baseline studies were conducted over only a few days or weeks, falling short of mandatory multi-season assessments required under environmental norms.

“These reports are an insult to science and make a mockery of the EIA process,” he said, adding that even official FAQs claiming “robust environmental safeguards” lacked supporting scientific backing.

Ramesh also rejected the government’s claim of compensatory afforestation, calling it “completely bogus”, and said security needs cited for the project could be met without causing ecological damage.

“Security experts have themselves written that the country’s essential security needs can be met without inflicting such ecological devastation,” he noted.

He further pointed to legal and procedural concerns, citing provisions under coastal regulation norms and past environment ministry guidelines mandating comprehensive multi-season studies for port projects.

Ramesh also referenced earlier judicial observations, including a 2023 National Green Tribunal (NGT) order that flagged “unanswered deficiencies” in environmental clearances and called for a High-Powered Committee review.

He questioned the Centre’s claim that the committee’s report was confidential, arguing it undermined transparency and accountability.

“When the original clearance process was in the public domain, how can a court-mandated reconsideration be kept confidential?” he asked.

The Congress leader said he would be willing to share official documents contradicting the government’s claims and reiterated that the issue was of “great and grave public importance”.

The Opposition party has intensified its criticism of the project in recent weeks, arguing that it threatens both ecological balance and tribal rights in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, while the government maintains that the initiative is a strategic and sustainable development effort aligned with national interests.

With PTI inputs

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has described the present Union Territory governance model in Jammu and Kashmir as the “worst form of government”, arguing that the dual power structure between the elected administration and the Lieutenant Governor’s office has created administrative complications and weakened democratic accountability.

In an interview with PTI, Abdullah reiterated his demand for restoration of full statehood to Jammu and Kashmir and said significant progress had nevertheless been made in resolving differences with the Centre over rules governing administrative powers and transaction of business.

“I continue to maintain that view. I continue to believe that a system of Union Territory with an assembly is by far the worst form of government that you can come up with,” Abdullah said.

The chief minister questioned the rationale behind treating Jammu and Kashmir, which has a 90-member elected Assembly, on the same footing as smaller Union Territories such as Puducherry, which has a significantly smaller legislature.

“Can you not see the difference between a tiny one with 30 MLAs and one with 90 MLAs?” Abdullah asked while referring to the governance structure.

‘Recipe for disaster’

Abdullah said the coexistence of elected and unelected power centres was proving counterproductive, especially in areas linked to governance and crisis response.

Referring to the recent Pahalgam tragedy, he argued that keeping elected representatives away from law and order-related decision-making served little purpose and weakened accountability mechanisms.

The National Conference leader also said several institutions that previously functioned under the elected state government — including universities, the Sher-e-Kashmir Institute of Medical Sciences and the Power Development Corporation — should naturally remain under the elected administration even within the Union Territory framework.

He clarified that he was not questioning the Centre’s constitutional control over subjects such as police, law and order and central services under the UT arrangement.

Talks with Centre progressing

Despite criticism of the governance model, Abdullah said his administration and the Centre had made “significant progress” in narrowing differences over business rules and administrative functioning.

He revealed that a proposal regarding appointment of a new Advocate General had recently been forwarded to the relevant authorities.

On the issue of dismissal of government employees without judicial inquiry, Abdullah criticised the process as “arbitrary” and “opaque”, warning that many such dismissals may not survive judicial scrutiny in courts.

He noted that the practice began during the earlier BJP-PDP government and not under the current Lieutenant Governor administration.

“We will not be able to defend the dismissal of these employees in the courts,” Abdullah said, asserting that employees had not been given adequate opportunity to prove their innocence.

Welfare measures and Jammu-Kashmir ties

Abdullah also highlighted implementation of several election promises made by the National Conference government, including free electricity support for poorer households and free LPG cylinders for economically weaker sections.

He argued that electricity subsidies should primarily benefit Below Poverty Line families and suggested that wealthier consumers should eventually pay market-linked tariffs.

The chief minister additionally described the restoration of the traditional ‘Darbar Move’ — the biannual shifting of the capital between Jammu and Srinagar — as an important step towards reducing emotional and administrative distance between the two regions.

“The distance between Jammu and Kashmir has reduced to a great extent,” Abdullah said.

Remarks on Kashmiri Pandits, dynastic politics

On the issue of displaced Kashmiri Pandits, Abdullah said the community left the Valley after losing its sense of security and asserted that meaningful rehabilitation remained incomplete.

He questioned the BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party) over the continued existence of migrant camps in Jammu decades after the exodus of the early 1990s.

Abdullah also rejected suggestions that recent defeats of political heirs elsewhere reflected public rejection of dynastic politics.

“Belonging to a political family only opens a door. What keeps it open is your own performance,” he said.

He further dismissed speculation about an imminent cabinet reshuffle in Jammu and Kashmir, calling such reports “absolute lies”.

Less than a week after Sandeep Pathak — a Rajya Sabha MP from Punjab — defected from the Aam Aadmi Party to join the BJP, a Punjab Police team arrived at his official residence in Delhi. Pathak, however, had reportedly been tipped off. By the time the officers arrived, he had slipped through a rear exit and been whisked away by a waiting car. A video clip of his hasty departure has since been widely circulated, capturing what many see as a spiralling culture of political retribution.

In the days that followed, it emerged that two FIRs were registered against Pathak in separate districts of Punjab, invoking stringent legal provisions under which securing bail is difficult. Delhi Police personnel were deployed outside his residence. The message from Punjab was unmistakable: if he showed up, he would be arrested.

Pathak is not an isolated case. Rajinder Gupta — another of the seven AAP MPs who defected — has also run into legal trouble, albeit of a different nature. Gupta is chairman emeritus of the Trident Group, a prominent industrialist with business interests spanning textiles and manufacturing.

In 2022, the Bharatiya Kisan Union (Ugrahan) had protested against alleged water pollution from the group’s Dhaula unit in Barnala district. At the time, the state government appeared indifferent, and the issue faded from public discourse.

Gupta’s defection seems to have galvanised the administration into action. The Punjab State Pollution Control Board has now initiated proceedings against him, and reopened the pollution case with renewed vigour. The timing has raised eyebrows, with critics arguing that selective enforcement of regulatory laws has become a convenient tool to ‘discipline’ dissenting political actors.

The use of state machinery to target political opponents is hardly unprecedented in Punjab. Yet, what distinguishes the current scenario is the scale and intensity with which these tactics are being used. The Punjab Vigilance Bureau, tasked with probing corruption, is increasingly perceived as an extension of executive authority, working zealously to investigate Opposition leaders.

Parallelly, Central agencies have also stepped up their presence in Punjab. The Enforcement Directorate is currently probing at least 16 political leaders in Punjab, with several arrests already made — many of them from Opposition parties, including the Congress and AAP. The pattern has fuelled allegations that the fear of investigation is being used to engineer political realignments.

A report in the Indian Express (3 May 2026) reinforces this perception. Quoting party insiders, it reveals that several MPs had told Arvind Kejriwal during a parliamentary session that they were under immense pressure to join the BJP. Some reported raids on their premises; others claimed they had been warned of action by Central agencies. The implication is clear: in today’s political climate, allegiance is not merely an ideological choice — it is also an existential threat.

Perhaps the most intriguing illustration of these dynamics is former chief minister Capt. Amarinder Singh. While he was with the Congress, the ED had initiated proceedings against him over alleged foreign assets. After he joined the BJP, it was widely assumed that the matter had been quietly shelved.

However, in a surprising move, a summons was issued earlier this year seeking his appearance before the ED’s Jalandhar office. Although Singh did not comply, the officer responsible for issuing the summons was subsequently transferred — an episode that only deepened the murkiness surrounding such investigations.

Caught in the crossfire are several senior Congress leaders, many of whom appear to be bearing the brunt of these actions. Charanjit Singh Channi, Sukhpal Singh Khaira, Bharat Bhushan Ashu and Shyam Sundar Arora have all been subjected to investigations by either the ED or state vigilance authorities — or both. With the exception of Channi, several have also been arrested.

The actions have not been limited to legal proceedings. In a particularly controversial move, the state government ordered the demolition of a portion of Khaira’s ancestral home using bulldozers, a spectacle that embodies the punitive use of administrative power. Such actions raise fundamental questions about the rule of law being replaced by a ‘vendetta raj’.

As Punjab approaches another electoral cycle, the stakes can only rise. Political defections, legal battles and public accusations are likely to intensify, further entrenching mistrust. After a recent meeting with President Droupadi Murmu, Raghav Chadha — the ‘leader’ of the pack of seven defectors — warned that while the Punjab government controls the police force of one state, the BJP commands 21 across the country. This comment encapsulates the reality of contemporary Indian politics.

Punjab, once defined primarily by its agrarian economy and cultural vibrancy, now finds itself at the epicentre of a different kind of contest — where law enforcement agencies, regulatory bodies and investigative institutions are instruments in a larger political chess game.

In this context, vendetta politics is not merely about settling scores. It reflects the systemic erosion of institutional neutrality, where the boundaries between right and retribution grow increasingly indistinct. For the electorate, the consequences are significant.

When governance is overshadowed by political warfare, it is the people who pay.

Forest authorities in Chhattisgarh’s Balodabazar-Bhatapara district have launched a large-scale community-driven water conservation campaign aimed at improving groundwater recharge, strengthening forest ecosystems and turning water management into a mass public movement.

The initiative, titled ‘Jal Sanchay Jan Bhagidari’, is being implemented across 56 forest villages in alignment with the Centre’s ‘Catch the Rain’ campaign and targets the construction of around 1.26 lakh water conservation structures during 2026–27.

According to Dhammshil Ganveer, the campaign seeks to create a sustainable conservation model by integrating forests, water resources and local communities through watershed-based planning and public participation.

“The ‘Jal Sanchay Jan Bhagidari’ campaign aims to develop a sustainable conservation model by integrating water, forests and local communities,” Ganveer told PTI.

Community mobilisation central to campaign

Officials said preparations for the programme began in 2025 through a public awareness initiative called ‘Jal Jungle Yatra’, under which more than 20 outreach journeys were organised across the forest division.

The campaign witnessed participation from school students, local youth, elected representatives, village communities and environmental volunteers. Authorities said the effort was designed to build public ownership over water conservation and ecological protection.

So far, nearly 20,000 structures have already been completed under the programme. These include loose boulder check dams, continuous contour trenches, staggered contour trenches and other rainwater retention systems.

The conservation works are being carried out under CAMPA (Compensatory Afforestation Fund Management and Planning Authority) and VB G-RAM-G schemes, which officials said are also generating employment opportunities for local villagers and supporting rural livelihoods.

Focus on Mahanadi basin rejuvenation

A major component of the initiative involves rejuvenation of the Mahanadi River basin and connected forest catchment areas within the district.

According to forest officials, treatment work is currently underway across 17 streams linked to the Mahanadi catchment zone. The objective is to retain rainwater for longer periods, reduce surface runoff and increase groundwater recharge in nearby areas.

Authorities said the measures are expected to improve moisture retention in forest landscapes while increasing water availability in wells, hand pumps and village water sources during dry periods.

Officials also said the initiative could help improve ecological balance and strengthen long-term sustainability of forest and wildlife habitats in the region.

Wildlife sanctuary water management intensified

The forest department has simultaneously intensified water and habitat management measures in Barnawapara Wildlife Sanctuary amid rising summer temperatures and growing pressure on natural water sources.

Ganveer said a scientific monitoring system had been developed for the sanctuary, under which more than 240 water sources — including ponds, waterholes, stop dams and saucers — are being monitored every 15 days. The department aims to ensure water availability within every 5 sq km area of the sanctuary. In locations facing shortages, water is being supplied through tankers to support wildlife during peak summer conditions.