As the global sustainable forestry industry grows, driven by a carbon credit market expected to reach US$19.9 trillion by 2035, long-term conservation projects in Latin American countries like Peru are taking off. 

The Slalom Foundation – part of the global digital consulting firm Slalom – operated a fund of over US$10 million and recently awarded more than $200,000 to impact initiatives in Latin America, Africa, and the U.S. 

Among those receiving the fresh Slalom Foundation funds is the Forest Stewardship Council Investments & Partnerships (FSC). The FSC has been working with the Peruvian National Service of Natural Protected Areas (SERNANP) to certify 7.4 million hectares of national parks and Peruvian Amazon ecosystems. 

Through its Certification Initiative, the FSC has set up shop in Peru, recently announcing a brand new conservation facility, which will streamline the certification process of national parks and conservation areas in the country. 

The FSC Certification Initiative has already committed US$1.7 million in 2026 to high-value areas in Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia. As it seeks new partners to scale impact, it welcomes Slalom Foundation’s donation and funding for Peru. 

“We are profoundly honored to receive the climatic subsidy from the Slalom Foundation in support of the Fund for Conservation of the FSC,” said Jen Opie, deputy executive director of FSC Investments & Partnerships. “This investment accelerates our certifying capabilities to protect some of the most critical conservation areas in the world throughout Latin America, including Peru.”

Today, sustainable forestry and conservation efforts are tied to the global carbon credit offsetting market. 

A Precedence Research report released in February estimated that the global carbon credit market is worth US$1.3 trillion and expected to grow to $19.9 trillion by 2035, expanding at a CAGR of 35.80% in the same period. 

While North America is expected to see the fastest growth, and Europe holds the largest share of the market, Latin America stands out for its untapped potential, as sectors like aviation and big tech — seeking to offset new energy-hungry AI data center operations – drive demand. 

Within this market, forestry conservation projects lead the way.

The Slalom Foundation said that the organizations benefiting from their recent investment are setting in motion groundbreaking conservation and ecological programs, helping families and women access essential services, and promoting technological certifications that support local wealth and economic development. 

“These environments often face significant barriers when trying to access the necessary resources to unblock financing for long term conservation,” said Opie from FSC. “The collaboration with Slalom reinforces our shared commitment to safeguarding biodiversity, promoting climate resilience, and supporting local communities, whose stewardship is essential to global climate goals,” she added. 

“Together, we are scaling credible and verifiable nature-based climate solutions at a time when decisive action has never been more urgent,” concluded Opie. 

Featured image description: Aerial view of the Amazon Rainforest.

Featured image credit: FSC.

Disclosure: This article mentions a client of an Espacio portfolio company. 

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In yet another polarized Latin American election, Peru’s June 7 runoff pits two ideological opposites against each other. 

Keiko Fujimori, the conservative daughter of former dictator Alberto Fujimori, and Roberto Sanchez, a left-wing congressman backed by jailed former President Pedro Castillo, won the first round of voting on April 12 with 17% and 12% of the vote, respectively. 

The race comes as Peruvians have become all but fed up with their elected officials. A 2025 OECD study found that trust in government is lower in Peru than in any other Latin American or Caribbean country. With eight presidents in office in just 10 years, political instability has become a hallmark of Peruvian politics. 

Scandals and accusations during this campaign haven’t done much to restore voter confidence.

As the final vote counts in April confirmed he would advance to the runoff, prosecutors charged Sanchez with financial crimes, accusing him and his brother of failing to disclose 280,000 soles ($81,720) in party contributions. His critics are calling for his disqualification. 

“One cannot help but see this as a politically motivated move designed to remove him as a viable candidate,” Jo-Marie Burt, a senior fellow at the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) focused on Peru, told Latin America Reports in May. 

In addition, delayed ballot deliveries and quick count releases during the first round prompted the resignation of the head of Peru’s elections agency. 

Rafael Lopez Aliaga, a conservative candidate and Trump acolyte who didn’t make it to the second round, alleged electoral fraud and threatened to call for mass protests. He now faces a criminal complaint for inciting civil disorder. 

Despite political differences, corruption extends beyond party lines 

Despite an Ipsos poll from last year which found that crime, corruption, and political instability were at the top of Peruvians’ concerns, the electorate may be forced to choose between divergent political and economic ideologies that hold similar patterns of corruption. 

“On economic issues, [the candidates] are substantially different. On rule of law, unclear,” Will Freeman, Latin America Fellow at the Council on Foreign Relations who studies corruption and organized crime in the region, told Latin America Reports. 

On one hand, Fujimori’s Fuerza Popular party has sat at the center of Peru’s institutional decay for a decade. After winning a congressional majority in 2016, the party fought the anti-corruption investigations that grew out of the region-wide Odebrecht kickback scandal — probes that, Freeman acknowledged, “could fairly be argued to have gone too far at times.” 

“But the response has been the dismantling of the justice system and rule of law in Peru,” he added. The Fujimori name is now “doubly associated” with authoritarianism. 

In the shadow of her father’s dictatorship, marred by corruption and human rights abuses, Keiko is now plagued by “not only what her dad did, but what she herself has done,” he argued. 

Opposition to the Fujimori family, or “anti-Fujimorismo”, has long been a pillar of Peruvian politics, and likely can be credited with snubbing Keiko’s three previous presidential bids. 

However, her strength in the polls suggests that her opposition is weakening. 

Freeman attributes Keiko’s current success less to her own appeal, and more to the collapse of the political coalition opposed to her family. 

Sanchez-ally and leftist President Pedro Castillo, elected in 2021 with anti-Fujimorista backing, would go on to embrace his own form of abuse of power, attempting to dissolve Congress “like Alberto Fujimori himself, almost copying him exactly,” said Freeman. Last year, Castillo was sentenced to over 11 years in prison.

While the elections are often being framed as “left versus right”, corruption and dismantling of institutional power extends beyond party lines in Peru. 

In congress, Castillo’s lawmakers and the Fujimoristas often voted together when it was in their interests, Freeman said. “Particularily in weakening the justice system and shielding themselves from investigation.” 

China and the U.S. in Peru

Governments abroad, especially the U.S. and China, are paying attention to what happens in Peru on Sunday. 

As Trump has set his sights on shoring up U.S. influence in Latin America during his second term, China, who has made significant investment inroads in LatAm countries over decades – most notably in Peru – also has its interests at stake. 

“It’s sometimes not really stressed enough just how important Peru is to China,” Freeman said. 

Beijing controls about half of Lima’s electricity supply and the new deepwater megaport at Chancay, with plans for an interoceanic corridor linking Brazil to the port as an export route for South American commodities. 

Washington, by contrast, has largely written Peru off. Even under former President Joe Biden, Freeman said, there was a “tacit acceptance that the battle was already lost.” 

It’s unclear whether the Trump administration’s more interventionist turn in Latin America will extend to Peru. A Fujimori win, and her ideological alignment with Washington, “may open space for a more direct U.S. military presence,” Freeman suggested, whether against coca production or in the ports, “similar to what Ecuador has done.”

It is unlikely Sánchez would allow the same. His progressivism and close ties to Castillo’s leftist movement could invite Trump’s ire, as has been the case in Cuba, Colombia and Venezuela. 

Freeman also cautions against reading a Fujimori win as Peru joining the U.S.-allied right wing tide across the region. 

“This is more of the culmination of that process than the start of some sudden authoritarian wave,” he said. Peru’s government has been effectively right-wing since Castillo’s removal in 2022, with a conservative Congress setting the agenda.

Featured image: Keiko Fujimori and Roberto Sanchez via their respective X accounts.

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It’s been nine days since the runoff election between conservative candidate Keiko Fujimori and leftist Roberto Sánchez and Peruvians are still awaiting a definitive result in what’s become a razor-tight election. 

As of June 15, Fujimori continued to edge ahead with 50.051% of the vote compared to Sánchez’s 49.949% – a difference of about 18,300 votes, reported Reuters. 

About 98.59% of votes had been counted as of Monday. 

In the first three days after the elections, Sánchez held a slight advantage, but when the overseas ballots began arriving in the capital last Wednesday, the results flipped as Fujimori took a slight lead. Overseas ballots have historically favored conservative candidates. 

However, the National Jury of Elections (JNE), Peru’s top electoral tribunal, reiterated last Tuesday that final results are not expected until mid-July.

Peruvians, however, are not unfamiliar with uncertainty in elections. In 2021, it took 43 days to officially declare Pedro Castillo president-elect after Keiko Fujimori filed hundreds of legal challenges alleging fraud. Castillo ultimately won by just 44,000 votes out of more than 17 million cast.

Fujimori, the daughter of former authoritarian president Alberto Fujimori, leads the right-wing Fuerza Popular party and is making her fourth presidential bid after reaching the runoff in each of her previous three campaigns. 

Sánchez, her opponent, is a leftist congressman who built his campaign around tackling inequality and the deep socioeconomic divide between the capital Lima and rural Peru. 

He has been billed as the torch-bearer for the political movement of jailed former President Castillo, with controversial ties to Antauro Humala, a former Peruvian army major and founder of the ethnocacerist movement, known for the “Andahuaylazo” military uprising in 2005. 

Alfredo Torres, director of Ipsos Peru, a polling firm, warned early last week that the overseas vote could shift the result in Fujimori’s favor.

Both candidates have called for calm while awaiting the final count. 

On June 7, election night, Sánchez celebrated with supporters after Ipsos and Datum’s rapid counts showed him narrowly ahead. 

Since then, as Fujimori has taken the lead, his party, Juntos por el Perú, has alleged “electoral fraud” and requested the annulment of 2,400 polling stations where Fujimori has the upper hand due to alleged “identical vote repetition patterns”. 

Ernesto Zunini, the political party’s secretary-general, doubled down yet again and called for composure, saying they will accept the citizens’ vote.

Fujimori told supporters to wait with “patience and serenity.” On Tuesday, she expressed cautious optimism, saying her team’s statistical analysis pointed to “a lot of hope” in the overseas vote and the disputed ballot boxes — the majority of which are from Lima — though she stopped short of claiming victory. 

“It would be very premature to declare a winner. It is my duty to wait,” she said.  

Jorge Valdivia, the spokesperson for JNE, said authorities were still working through the disputed ballot records and other obstacles filed by both parties. According to the National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE), which administers the official vote count, 1,635 ballot records remain pending review by the Special Electoral Juries (JEE), which began counting on Friday. 

The JNE also confirmed there was no evidence of fraud. ONPE said the remaining votes would continue to be processed as electoral authorities review disputed ballot records and legal challenges.

The European Union’s electoral observation mission echoed that assessment. Mission chief Annalisa Corrado said the EU deployed 150 observers across the country since late February to monitor the vote in line with Peruvian law and international standards. Adding that the mission would continue to observe the final stages of the process and present its definitive report in August. 

The close result was largely in line with pre-election polling. The last Ipsos poll before the election, published on May 31, showed Fujimori with a narrow lead of 38% against Sánchez’s 35% — a three-point gap that fell within the margin of error, making the outcome too close to predict.

Featured image: Peruvians await results of June 7 presidential elections.

Image credit: ONPE via Facebook.

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Corruption ranks among Peruvians’ top concerns, only second to insecurity, as the country heads into a general election on Sunday. 

Since 2016, Peru has suffered from severe political instability, with repeated graft scandals contributing to the succession of eight different presidents. The country currently ranks 130 out of 182 on Transparency International’s corruption index. 

To get an idea of how some of the 35 candidates for president may tackle corruption if elected, Peru Reports spoke with Dr. Joseph Pozsgai-Alvarez, a Peruvian political scientist specialized in anti-corruption and public integrity from Osaka University.

Populist promises and unrealistic plans

Candidate Rafael López Aliaga, the former far-right mayor of Lima — himself under investigation for alleged corruption –has proposed to raise jail sentences to life imprisonment for officials found guilty of corruption. 

According to Pozsgai-Alvarez, “That is populist rhetoric.” He said that besides the constitutional challenges of López Aliaga’s proposal, “it is difficult to believe any court would hand a life sentence for anything other than the most egregious cases of corruption given the evidential burden.”

In other words, the life sentence would probably never effectively be applied, according to the professor. 

“The result is that Lopez Aliaga will earn some political points without actually accomplishing anything,” he added. 

Lopez Aliaga, who ranked in the top of the polls for months before plunging last week, also pledged to cut down the number of ministries to reduce the chances of dishonest practices. 

The proposal is a “comical” proposition, on par with Wolgang Grozo’s idea to use a lie detector for senior officials, according to Pozsgai-Alvarez.

Read more: What to expect from Peru’s general election on Sunday

A runner-up in the last three elections, right-wing candidate Keiko Fujimori, the daughter of former dictator Alberto Fujimori, has promised to strengthen the existing institutions such as the National Authority of Transparency and Access to Information (ANTAIP), which has operated since 2017 without relative success.

The ANTAIP is a body appointed by the Minister of Justice and designed to advise policy on transparency, supervise institutions, potentially propose sanctions, and launch sensibilization campaigns.

Pozsgai-Alvarez believes that reimagining rather than fortifying the agency is the solution.  “The National Authority needs to be reinvented as a constitutionally autonomous organization, which is no small affair,” he said. 

“Once an agency exists, it is difficult to significantly transform it, so I don’t think there will be sufficient political capital to incentivize actors in this direction.”

Fujimori, who was formerly indicted in the regional Odebrecht corruption scandal, announced she would also ban companies already sanctioned from obtaining public contracts.

Whilst “politically doable”, Pozsgai-Alvarez believes this measure “requires an agency sufficiently autonomous to carry out that duty.”

The scholar added: “In a situation of state capture, which Peru is ripe for, it is more likely that we would see such power being used to punish corporations for failing to comply with political directives.”

Peru’s former Central Bank director, Alfonso López-Chau, has put forth in his candidacy an initiative that would emulate Mexico’s large anti-corruption system layered across several institutions. 

The authority would be politically autonomous and potentially composed of a prosecutorial body with investigative powers working with the administrative court, an audit administration and a civilian watchdog.

In Pozsgai-Alvarez’s opinion, the Mexican example proved to be an “utter failure”, and recreating it in Peru remains unrealistic. 

Carlos Alvarez, a comedian known for impersonating politicians and who is running on a strict, security-centered platform, proposed a plan to build a new state agency solely dedicated to anti-corruption. 

The electorate should remain “always suspicious” of promises to launch new specialized agencies, Pozsgai-Alvarez said. 

According to the scholar’s work, three similar attempts to create new agencies since 2000 have failed due to intentional structural weaknesses and pushback from high-profile politicians when investigations were launched against them.

No improvement without stability

While Pozsgai-Alvarez believes that “several candidates may also honestly have good intentions,” their general inexperience in both state administration and party politics will make it “unlikely they will be able to keep integrity at the center of the next administration.”

He argues that the constant cycling of presidents has historically hampered any chance of tangible change when it comes to fighting corruption. 

“What we’ve been missing over the past decade is sufficient political stability to allow actors to invest sufficient resources in viable integrity measures,” he said.

“Stability is not enough, but it is certainly necessary.”

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Roberto Sánchez, a left-wing congressman and former minister, campaigns wearing a hulking straw hat — one that is not his own. 

It once belonged to Pedro Castillo, the jailed former president of Perú, who won the 2021 election against Keiko Fujimori, the conservative daughter of former dictator Alberto Fujimori, whom Sánchez will also face in a runoff election on Sunday. 

The hat, along with Castillo, has become emblematic of the grassroots political movement that Sánchez may carry on should he win the highly polarized elections — even as he attempts to soften some of its more radical aspects. 

Born in Huaral, a coastal province north of Lima, to a barber and a housemaid, Sánchez shined shoes from age seven to 13. He went on to graduate with a psychology degree from San Marcos University and holds a master’s degree in social policy. 

His entire career was built in the public sector including as a congressman, minister of commerce under Castillo, and as president of the Juntos por el Perú (Together for Perú) political party since 2017. 

Castillismo, a political movement named for Castillo, has its roots in rural land reform, anti-elitism, and left-wing populism. Some analysts argue that despite its leader’s incarceration for attempting to dissolve Congress in 2022, the movement endures because of the social and economic realities of the country. 

“The vote for Castillo and Sánchez does have a real underlying basis. I would not describe it as a protest vote, but rather as a vote born out of desperation and abandonment. It is the vote of Perú’s extremely poor,” Hernán Garrido Lecca, an economist and former health minister (2007-2008), told Perú Reports. 

According to Peru’s National Institute of Statistics and Informatics (INEI), 4.7% of Perú’s population — approximately 1.6 million people — lived in extreme poverty in 2025, unable to afford even a basic food basket. 

Poverty predominantly exists in rural communities in the Andes and the Amazon regions that remain largely disconnected from the economic and political center of the capital Lima. 

“Castillismo does not respond to Castillo as a person, but to what he represents — the protest against Lima’s centralism and the abandonment of the regions,” Catherine Lanseros, a Peruvian journalist, told Perú Reports. 

Unlike Castillo, Sánchez has sought to present himself as a more institutional and pragmatic left-wing candidate. 

He is better educated, more articulate, and a seasoned politician; he made that distinction clear in last week’s debate, attacking Fujimori and her party, Fuerza Popular, for their role in the country’s political instability in recent years. 

In an effort to reassure moderates wary of his leftist policies, in the final days of his campaign, Sánchez presented a 114-page government plan promising macroeconomic stability, respect for the Central Bank’s autonomy, and continuity of free trade agreements. 

Whether this represents genuine moderation or a last-minute political strategy remains, for many Peruvians, a defining question. 

As Lanseros put it: “No matter how many times he rewrites his government proposal, Sánchez cannot deny his essence.” 

Featured image: Roberto Sánchez is running for president of Perú in elections on June 7, 2026.

Image credit: Roberto Sánchez via X.

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Over 27 million Peruvians are set to vote in the first round of highly unpredictable presidential elections and elect a new Congress on 12 April.

With a record number of 35 candidates still in the presidential race, the polls have shown strong, week-to-week volatility. 

The surprise emergence of an outsider candidate making it to the second round of presidential elections — like what happened with Pedro Castillo in 2021 — remains a possibility, considering all candidates are polling nowhere near the 50% of votes they’d need to secure a first-round victory. 

Unstable, fragmented vote 

In the latest voting simulations, Keiko Fujimori, the daughter and political heir of former Peruvian dictator Alberto Fujimori (1990-2000), is ahead in the polls. 

The right-wing candidate gathered 18.1% of the valid votes in a survey from newspaper El Comercio, and 18.6% in an IPSOS poll published by Peru21. Both projections were calculated in early April.

The most significant development is center-right candidate Carlos Álvarez’s rise to second position in both polls, from roughly 8% last week to 10.8% in the El Comercio survey and 12.1% in Peru21’s.

Rafael López Aliaga, the far-right former mayor of Lima, could be the candidate who lost the most ground ahead of Sunday’s election. After ranking among the top frontrunners for months, even rising above Fujimori at times in the polls, he dramatically plunged to 10.3% of voter intention according to El Comercio and 10.9% according to Peru21.

The two media outlet polls, however, differ regarding candidates outside of the current podium.

According to Peru21, Roberto Sánchez, a leftist former minister from Castillo’s government, is fourth as he surges to 9% of voting intention. He distanced himself from Jorge Nieto (center), with 5.6%, and César Acuña (right), with 5.1%. Four more candidates received more than 3% of votes in the poll. 

El Comercio’s population sample does not entirely share Peru21’s sample’s enthusiasm for Sánchez. He is fifth with 7% of intended votes, behind Nieto (7.2%) and ahead of Ricardo Belmont (centre). The latter hiked up from 2.8% on March 27 to 6.5% in this latest poll. Again, four candidates stood above 3%.

Polling estimations are to be interpreted with extreme caution as the electorate’s indecision remains strong, and any of the outsiders could be misrepresented and/or profit from late momentum. 

Ten days before the 2021 first round, El Comercio’s vote simulation put Castillo in sixth position with 7.9% of vote intentions.

In first-round elections at the time, the now-jailed president obtained 18.9% of the vote, surpassing Fujimori by five and a half percentage points before defeating her in the second round. 

The left-wing president, who ran on a rural Indigenous platform, was imprisoned after attempting to dissolve Congress in late 2022. His Vice President, Dina Boluarte, took over the presidency, only to be ousted herself in October of last year. 

After 36 years, a return to a bicameral legislature

For the first time since 1990, Peruvians will be voting for a bicameral Congress. 

On Sunday, the country will vote for the lower house, known as the Chamber of Deputies, as well as seats in the Senate. 

The Senate was eliminated in Alberto Fujimori’s 1993 constitution, a year after he shuttered Congress.

The legislative elections are held in every district in a single, proportional round. 

In both chambers, parties must meet a 5% nationwide threshold or a minimum of seats (seven for the Chamber of Deputies, and five for the Senate) to enter the reformed Congress.

Peru’s deep political crisis

This Sunday’s elections will take place amid high political instability and an overall disdain for Peru’s political landscape by its electorate.  

The country has seen eight presidents in the past 10 years, many of which cycled out via resignations, impeachments, and scandals.

Many Peruvians have also lost trust in their Congress, which has effectively become more powerful than the executive branch, and is held responsible for much of Peru’s current political crisis. According to Le Monde, more than half of congressmen are under investigation for corruption. 

Out of all aforementioned candidates, only Fujimori, López Aliaga and César Acuña’s parties are members of the current Congress, highlighting the strong, yet fragmented, impetus for change in the Andean nation.

Featured image: Peru’s Congress

Image credit: Genu5960 via Wikimedia Commons

The post What to expect from Peru’s general election on Sunday appeared first on Perú Reports.

Lima, Peru — Peru’s general election, held Sunday, April 12, has been thrown into uncertainty following a series of logistical failures, contested tally sheets, and newly reported irregularities that have raised doubts about the integrity of the process—even as authorities insist there is no evidence of fraud.

With partial results still being processed several days later, no clear contender has emerged to face Keiko Fujimori in the runoff, despite her leading the vote with around 17%. The tight race for second place—separated by a razor-thin margin—between right-wing candidate Rafael López Aliaga and leftist Roberto Sánchez could ultimately be decided by thousands of challenged votes.

Delays, missing materials, and ballots found in the trash

Election day was marked by widespread delays in the delivery of voting materials, especially in Lima, forcing authorities to extend voting into Monday in several districts.

Officials are now facing scrutiny over more troubling incidents. In one of the most widely reported cases, sealed boxes containing 1,200 ballots—distributed across four tamper-evident containers—were found discarded in the trash in the Lima district of Surco.

The National Office of Electoral Processes (ONPE) attributed the incident to negligence during the transport of ballot boxes and tally sheets to its central headquarters. It maintained, however, that the chain of custody was not compromised, noting that a coordinator, a police officer, and an electoral observer from the National Jury of Elections were present in the vehicle.

However, Roberto Burneo, president of the National Jury of Elections (JNE), told a congressional oversight committee on Friday that the ONPE’s statement was “false.”

“It is important to clarify that, regarding those boxes, contrary to what ONPE indicated, there was no observer accompanying them nor a police officer. They were transported in unregistered private vehicles, and the JNE was not present,” he said.

Burneo added that evidence has already been submitted to prosecutors.

“Serious irregularities,” but no fraud, observers say

Despite the growing list of incidents, international observers from the Organization of American States and electoral experts have drawn a distinction between administrative failures and deliberate manipulation.

“There have been serious irregularities that must be investigated and sanctioned, but this is not a fraudulent situation,” former Justice Minister Aldo Vásquez told CNN. “At least up to now, there is no evidence supporting that claim.”

Observers from international organizations echoed that assessment, noting that while “egregious irregularities” were documented, they do not amount to systemic fraud.

Still, the scale and variety of problems—from late poll openings to missing materials—have eroded public confidence.

Thousands of disputed votes could decide the runoff

At the center of the uncertainty are more than 5,000 tally sheets marked as “disputed”—representing just over one million votes—due to inconsistencies such as missing signatures, illegible figures, or arithmetic errors.

These votes are now under review by electoral authorities and, in such a close race, could determine who advances to the runoff.

“Of course they can change the outcome,” said electoral lawyer Silvia Guevara. “The difference between candidates is so small that these votes could tip the balance.”

“This is a situation that won’t be resolved tomorrow or in two or three days. Citizens will need to be patient,” she added to Canal N.

Institutional crisis and ongoing investigations

The fallout has triggered multiple investigations. The Public Ministry and the Comptroller General have launched inquiries, while the National Board of Justice—the body responsible for overseeing judicial appointments—has opened a preliminary investigation against Piero Corvetto Salinas, head of the ONPE.

According to Vásquez, the process could lead to disciplinary sanctions or even suspension, noting that “it is highly likely that a formal proceeding will be opened.”

Meanwhile, electoral authorities have confirmed that at least 85 requests to annul the election have been filed, further complicating the timeline.

With the runoff scheduled for June, the coming days will be decisive not only in determining who advances, but also in whether Peru’s electoral institutions can restore public trust after one of the most controversial elections in recent years.

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As the global sustainable forestry industry grows, driven by a carbon credit market expected to reach US$19.9 trillion by 2035, long-term conservation projects in Latin American countries like Peru are taking off. 

The Slalom Foundation – part of the global digital consulting firm Slalom – operated a fund of over US$10 million and recently awarded more than $200,000 to impact initiatives in Latin America, Africa, and the U.S. 

Among those receiving the fresh Slalom Foundation funds is the Forest Stewardship Council Investments & Partnerships (FSC). The FSC has been working with the Peruvian National Service of Natural Protected Areas (SERNANP) to certify 7.4 million hectares of national parks and Peruvian Amazon ecosystems. 

Through its Certification Initiative, the FSC has set up shop in Peru, recently announcing a brand new conservation facility, which will streamline the certification process of national parks and conservation areas in the country. 

The FSC Certification Initiative has already committed US$1.7 million in 2026 to high-value areas in Africa, Latin America, and Central Asia. As it seeks new partners to scale impact, it welcomes Slalom Foundation’s donation and funding for Peru. 

“We are profoundly honored to receive the climatic subsidy from the Slalom Foundation in support of the Fund for Conservation of the FSC,” said Jen Opie, deputy executive director of FSC Investments & Partnerships. “This investment accelerates our certifying capabilities to protect some of the most critical conservation areas in the world throughout Latin America, including Peru.”

Today, sustainable forestry and conservation efforts are tied to the global carbon credit offsetting market. 

A Precedence Research report released in February estimated that the global carbon credit market is worth US$1.3 trillion and expected to grow to $19.9 trillion by 2035, expanding at a CAGR of 35.80% in the same period. 

While North America is expected to see the fastest growth, and Europe holds the largest share of the market, Latin America stands out for its untapped potential, as sectors like aviation and big tech — seeking to offset new energy-hungry AI data center operations – drive demand. 

Within this market, forestry conservation projects lead the way.

The Slalom Foundation said that the organizations benefiting from their recent investment are setting in motion groundbreaking conservation and ecological programs, helping families and women access essential services, and promoting technological certifications that support local wealth and economic development. 

“These environments often face significant barriers when trying to access the necessary resources to unblock financing for long term conservation,” said Opie from FSC. “The collaboration with Slalom reinforces our shared commitment to safeguarding biodiversity, promoting climate resilience, and supporting local communities, whose stewardship is essential to global climate goals,” she added. 

“Together, we are scaling credible and verifiable nature-based climate solutions at a time when decisive action has never been more urgent,” concluded Opie. 

Featured image description: Aerial view of the Amazon Rainforest.

Featured image credit: FSC.

Disclosure: This article mentions a client of an Espacio portfolio company. 

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