During the first week of the French Open in Paris, concerns grew for player wellbeing as many competitors struggled with the extreme heat.

World No.1 Jannik Sinner wilted in his second-round match, while Jakub Mensik collapsed for nearly five minutes after playing in the heat.

But these concerns extend beyond this year’s French Open.

Several players criticised conditions at the 2025 Shanghai Masters. Denmark’s Holger Rune summed up frustrations when he asked:

do you want a player to die on court?

It is also a perennial topic raised during the Australian and US Opens, played during peak summer periods in those countries.

This is compounded by tennis’s almost year-round season.

Together, these pressures raise questions about whether player welfare is being prioritised in modern tennis.

What exactly is tennis’ heat policy?

In recent years, various tennis tournaments have introduced several measures to help players cope with extreme heat:

• ten-minute cooling breaks in between sets
• ice towels
• courtside fans
• medical monitoring
• additional hydration opportunities.

All four Grand Slam tournaments now also have stadium courts with retractable roofs.

But each tournament has its own heat policy.

At the French Open, officials use a measurement called the “Wet Bulb Global Temperature (WBGT)” to monitor extreme heat. It combines air temperature, humidity, solar exposure and wind speed to estimate how stressful conditions are for the body.

When the WBGT reaches 30.1°C (86°F) at the French Open, players receive a ten-minute cooling break. If it reaches 32.3°C (90°F) – roughly equivalent to an air temperature of 38°C (100°F) – play can be suspended.

But the French Open has never suspended play due to extreme heat. This contrasts with the Australian Open.

The Australian Open’s heat policy more frequently allows play to be suspended in extreme conditions and allows stadium roof closures – a provision not used at the French Open.

Inconsistent heat policies extend beyond the grand slams. The Association of Tennis Professionals (ATP) only introduced a formal heat policy in 2026. By contrast, the Women’s Tennis Association (WTA) has had a heat policy in place for the best part of 30 years.

What more could tennis do?

Unlike most sports, tennis is not governed by a single international body.

Instead, tennis is governed by the ATP, the WTA, the International Tennis Federation and the four Grand Slam tournaments. As a result, tournament schedules, competition rules, heat management measures and player welfare policies are often set by different organisations.

This governance structure has also contributed to the expansion of the tennis season.

In recent years, players have raised concerns about an increasingly crowded schedule, and the limited opportunities for rest and recovery.

In response to these concerns, the Professional Tennis Players Association was founded in 2019. The organisation seeks to give professional players a stronger voice in decisions that affect their career and wellbeing.

In 2025, the association launched legal action against tennis’s governing bodies. The organisation argued the sport’s governance structure contributes to excessive scheduling demands and fails to adequately protect player health, safety and wellbeing.

The legal case is still before the courts and its outcome remains unclear. What is clear, however, is tennis’s fragmented governance structure has contributed to inconsistent player welfare protections.

This all compounds during events that feature five-set matches, which can extend beyond four, or even five hours of play.

In isolation, elite tennis players are well equipped to cope with the stress of long matches. However, five-set matches are not held in isolation. When combined with a congested schedule, extreme heat and inconsistent player welfare policies, they can place additional strain on athletes.

What are some possible solutions?

Tennis needs a more consistent approach to governance and player welfare.

To better protect players, tennis should adopt a standardised heat policy. This would ensure consistent safeguards regardless of where a tournament is played.

A second suggested change is reducing the season length. Decreasing the number of tournaments would give players more time to recover, create greater flexibility to schedule matches at night or postpone play during extreme heat.

Players can rest during the season and not play every tournament, but few do so because of the pressures to retain and improve their ranking points.

Any efforts to shorten the tennis calendar would also face significant financial barriers. Fewer tournaments would likely reduce broadcasting, ticketing, and advertising revenues, making reform difficult under the sport’s current governance agreements.

Therefore, greater cooperation between tennis’s governing bodies and more unified leadership across the sport is urgently needed.

Maintaining the status quo risks exposing players to greater harm and may prove more costly for tennis in the long-term.

Paul Bowell does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

At the start of cosmic history, galaxies were big clouds of gas, and they grew by turning that gas into stars. If a galaxy runs out of gas, it will stop forming stars and die.

Present-day galaxies have had more than 10 billion years to grow old and die. But this is not true in the early universe: we expect to see very few dead galaxies in the first billion years of cosmic time.

In 2022, the James Webb Space Telescope gave us our first clear glimpse of galaxies in the early universe. What we saw completely defied our expectations: there were too many big, dead galaxies, far earlier than expected.

Astronomers came up with many possible explanations. Some suggested that dark energy – the mysterious phenomenon believed to be driving the universe’s expansion – may have been stronger in the early universe than current theories predict. This would allow galaxies to grow (and die) faster. However, the real solution may be much simpler.

Our new study, published today in the Monthly Notices of the Royal Astronomical Society, reveals an early massive galaxy in the throes of death: its gas is being rapidly blasted into space by a powerful “galaxy wind”, and it may very soon run out of gas. This galaxy offers a new solution to the mystery of what killed big galaxies in the early universe.

Prime suspects for massive galaxy death

There are two ways to eject gas from galaxies: exploding stars (called supernovae) that push gas away, and supermassive black holes that accelerate gas to such high speeds that it escapes the gravitational pull of the galaxy. Both produce fast-moving gas streams that astronomers call galaxy winds.

These winds have long been considered one of the main causes of galaxy death.

Black holes produce faster winds than exploding stars, making them the favoured means for ejecting gas from the largest, most massive galaxies. Many theories suggest that only the powerful winds driven by supermassive black holes can kill the largest galaxies.

However, testing these predictions is hard. As the gas in the wind leaves a galaxy, it becomes very faint very quickly, making galaxy winds difficult to see even in nearby galaxies.

In distant galaxies, they were almost invisible until recently.

Transforming our view of the early universe

Designed to look deeper in space than any telescope before it, the James Webb Space Telescope has transformed our view of the early universe. It allows us to see things that were previously undetectable – including hot, fast-moving gas ejected from early massive galaxies.

For our new study, we paired observations from the James Webb Space Telescope with data from the Atacama Large Millimeter Array, the world’s most powerful radio telescope, which measures cold star-forming gas swept out of galaxies by winds.

Together, these telescopes give us the most complete picture yet of galaxy winds in the early universe.

One galaxy, called CRISTAL-02, stood out to us immediately. We noticed it was forming stars twice as fast as other similar-sized galaxies. Our extremely sensitive observations revealed a huge plume of cold gas extending far away from CRISTAL-02. This plume was almost as long as the galaxy itself – a telltale sign the gas was being driven out of the galaxy.

The wind from CRISTAL-02 was ejecting twice as much gas as the galaxy converts into stars, and this gas was likely travelling fast enough to escape the galaxy. If the wind kept ejecting gas at the same rate, the galaxy would run out of fuel in less than 100 million years – a blink of an eye in cosmic terms – forming a massive dead galaxy less than 1.5 billion years after the Big Bang.

Paradoxically, the wind appeared to be driven by the same intense star formation that was making the galaxy grow so quickly.

Cosmic collisions may hold the answer

To complete the picture, we need to understand why CRISTAL-02 was growing so fast in the first place.

The answer may lie in the fact that CRISTAL-02 is not a single galaxy, but multiple galaxies in the final stages of a cosmic collision. During such collisions, gas funnels towards the galaxy centres, triggering strong bursts of star formation.

In the present-day universe, galaxy collisions are relatively rare: they are seen in only a few percent of galaxies. But one billion years after the Big Bang, the universe was far more compact, meaning galaxies were packed much closer together.

Recent studies suggest around 40% of big galaxies in the early universe are in the process of merging. Some of these galaxies will likely face a similar fate to CRISTAL-02: undergoing frenzied bursts of star-formation, followed by powerful winds that lead to their deaths.

Our findings show that powerful winds capable of killing galaxies do not originate exclusively from supermassive black holes: they can also be triggered by the intense star-formation that causes galaxies to grow rapidly.

If many early galaxies collide and experience rapid growth, then it may not be surprising at all that we see so many dead galaxies in the early universe. CRISTAL-02 offers a natural solution to the mystery of why these massive galaxies live fast and die young.

Rebecca Davies receives funding from the Australian Research Council.

Deanne Fisher receives funding from Australian Research Council.

Anna Wintour, former editor in chief of Vogue, once said she would “never ever wear head-to-toe black”. It’s not a sentiment shared by most Melburnians who, while still generally considering themselves fashionable, will opt to wear black all year round – and even more (if possible) during winter.

As reflected in media coverage over the years, Melbourne has built somewhat of a reputation for its love of black clothing. Why is this?

A lot comes down to climate

When it comes to assessing the “fashion sense” of a particular city, the physical factors – particularly the local climate – matter.

Melbourne is home to a temperate oceanic climate, characterised by mild to warm summers, cool winters, and somewhat consistent rainfall during the year. Its winters are among the coldest of Australia’s capital cities.

As such, the average Melburnian’s wardrobe tends to be optimised for layering. This means having pieces that can be mixed and matched throughout the year. And of course, black on black is foolproof.

As Australian historian Hilary Davidson explained in a recent piece for the Sydney Morning Herald:

People in Melbourne can dress more, and wear more black clothing because the climate is more like London, New York, Milan or Tokyo … Sydney is ostentatiously casual or more Los Angeles glam.

Place branding and identity

Beyond the weather, the culture and norms of a city also play a role in what is considered acceptable attire.

“Place branding” is an important factor in how people dress in different parts of the world. This refers to the process of branding a city, country or region to actively shape how its residents perceive it.

Generally, place branding arises naturally through a city’s history and the major events that helped shape it. Melbourne’s place brand has developed out of its everyday culture: how residents live, what they value, and how changes in wealth and immigration have shaped the city.

The place brand of a city is reinforced through residents doubling down on established narratives – such as the idea that Melburnians love to wear black.

Melbourne as a very ‘European’ city

Melbourne has strong European undercurrents. It was the site of a large influx of European immigration following the second world war, and is home to both the largest Italian community in Australia, and one of the largest Greek communities outside of Greece.

This has helped establish the Eurocentric food and coffee cultures which remain core to the city’s branding and reputation as a great place to live.

Europeans themselves have embraced black dressing at various points in history. Colour historian Michel Pastoureau, in his book Black: The History of a Color, says this started in the medieval era, when black was adopted by European courtiers, embodying royalty and true luxury.

In the 16th and 17th century, European nobles wore black for portraits to display financial power as black dye was the most expensive and difficult to produce.

Although certain cities such as Antwerp developed expertise in dyeing black fabrics, this process was only democratised in the 19th century with more widespread access to dyes.

In the early 20th century, black regained an air of European refinement, as demonstrated by French designer Gabrielle “Coco” Chanel’s little black dress concept.

The colour has retained its strong contemporary appeal through Belgian designers such as Dries Van Noten, Ann Demeulemeester and Raf Simons – as well as the Berlin techno and fashion scenes, which widely incorporate black clothing.

Melbourne as the cultural centre of Australia

Like many European cities, Melbourne is also organised around its intellectual and creative institutions. It derives its identity from its cultural appeal and heavy investment in the arts, including music, theatre, literature, fashion and design. (Although the funding that helps drives these cultures is now at risk).

Creatives, of course, are countercultural forces who are notorious for wearing black, as author and architect Cordula Rau highlights in her 2008 book Why Do Architects Wear Black?.

At the beginning of the 20th century, the “Paris end of Collins street” became home to Melbourne’s artistic community. These people brought along their stylistic inclinations with their crafts and ideas.

Since the 1950s, black has also become the preferred colour of subcultures, such as Goths and punks, who rebelled against established norms. As Japanese fashion designer Yohji Yamamoto puts it:

Black is modest and arrogant at the same time. Black is lazy and easy — but mysterious. But above all black says this: I don’t bother you – don’t bother me.

In the end, Melbourne’s adoption and fondness for black clothing might very well be a self-fulfilling prophecy, aligned with its history and culture.

It may also be a way for residents to feel part of the city’s proverbial fabric, as seeing what our peers are wearing, and emulating it, is a way to signal and find belonging.

Jye Marshall is affiliated with the Home Economics Institute of Australia (HEIA), Australian Fashion Council (AFC) and is a scholar of the King and Amy O'Malley Trust.

Rachel Lamarche-Beauchesne does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

Victoria has recently been labelled Australia’s “car theft capital”.

According to the Insurance Council of Australia, more than A$243 million was paid out in Victoria last year in 12,500 claims involving stolen vehicles and thefts from motor vehicles.

Between 2024 and 2025, the state recorded a 25% increase in motor vehicle theft claims. There was also a 37% increase in associated costs.

As vehicle theft claims fall in several other states, Victoria is heading in the opposite direction.

The question is, why?

Why Victoria is becoming an outlier

Insurance Statistics Australia data suggest Victoria is increasingly an outlier when it comes to vehicle theft. But it provides limited insight into what is driving the increase.

To understand why Victoria is experiencing rising vehicle theft while other states are declining, we need to look at a broader range of factors.

According to Victoria Police, a key factor is the increasing use of electronic devices to steal cars.

Victoria Police say more than 10,000 vehicles are stolen using electronic theft methods each year. This is around 30 vehicles every day. In fact, Victoria Police has linked the growing use of these technologies to the highest levels of vehicle theft recorded since 2001.

Cars with keyless entry are a particular target, with theft techniques becoming more sophisticated.

Old fashioned techniques such as forced entry and hot-wiring have been replaced with key cloning, key mimicking, or key reprogramming devices. These can access a vehicle’s electronic systems, override security features, program new keys, and start the car without the original key being present.

This technology is available in all states and territories but it seems Victoria is being hit hardest in Australia. This may indicate policing or policy issues.

Organised crime may be part of the picture. In March this year, the Victoria Police Vehicle Crime Squad uncovered an alleged international syndicate accused of stealing more than 150 vehicles worth more than $20 million and exporting them overseas for profit.

Youth offending patterns also need consideration. In a state where youth crime remains a regular feature of public and political debate, young people continue to be over-represented in carjackings and aggravated burglaries, offences that are often linked to vehicle theft.

Victoria Police Deputy Commissioner Robert Hill has argued some young people involved in vehicle theft are being recruited by organised crime groups. He has described them as “minions” used to carry out offending on behalf of older criminals.

Read more: What can Australia do about reports of child criminal exploitation?

While organised crime and youth crime are both Australia-wide issues, Victoria’s Youth Gang Strategy notes the significant overlap between youth and serious organised crime networks in the state.

So it’s likely Victoria’s vehicle theft problem is not driven by a single factor.

What other states and territories are doing

Queensland provides an interesting comparison. There, motor vehicle thefts went down 12% between 2024 and 2025, the largest decrease on record for the state.

In February 2026, Queensland Police launched Operation Yankee Forge, a six-month operation targeting burglary, robbery and vehicle theft. More than 2,000 offenders were charged with over 5,000 offences in the first six weeks.

In 2025, Queensland introduced its “adult crime, adult time” youth justice reforms, a year before Victoria’s recent bail and sentencing changes. Although it is too early to assess their precise effect of these two initiatives, the highly visible nature of these reforms may have played a role in shaping offender perceptions and behaviour.

Queensland’s approach highlights the potential value of sustained, highly visible, and state-wide enforcement activity focused specifically on vehicle theft.

Western Australia and South Australia have also recorded a reduction in vehicle theft claims. SA has invested in prevention initiatives such as the award-winning Stop Car Theft Program, a partnership between South Australia Police and the Royal Automobile Association of South Australia that combines enforcement, public education and crime prevention activities.

The WA government has made it compulsory to fit a government-approved immobiliser – which greatly reduce the chance of having your car stolen – when a vehicle is registered or transferred.

Tips to keep your car safer

While there is no single solution to vehicle theft, some of the most effective prevention measures remain the simplest.

Removing valuables from your vehicle, using a steering wheel lock, parking in well lit locations, and installing sensor lighting and CCTV around driveways and parking areas can increase the effort and risk involved in offending.

These measures work by making vehicles less attractive targets and increasing the likelihood offenders will be seen, challenged, or interrupted. They can reduce opportunities for offending and make vehicles less appealing to potential offenders.

The authors do not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and have disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.