Punjab Chief Minister Bhagwant Mann on Saturday asserted that the state government would neither withdraw nor dilute the recently enacted anti-sacrilege law, claiming the legislation had received overwhelming support from the Sikh Sangat across the world.

Addressing gatherings during the concluding day of his four-day ‘Shukrana Yatra’, Mann said the Punjab government remained fully committed to protecting the sanctity and respect of Guru Granth Sahib and all religious scriptures.

The Jaagat Jot Sri Guru Granth Sahib Satkar (Amendment) Bill, 2026 was unanimously passed by the Punjab Assembly on 13 April and provides for stringent punishment, including life imprisonment, for acts of sacrilege involving the Guru Granth Sahib.

Mann said the law was introduced solely to ensure strict punishment for those attempting to hurt religious sentiments and disturb communal harmony in the state.

“The Governor has granted assent to the Act. There is no question of withdrawing or rolling back this law,” the chief minister said.

He claimed the legislation had received strong backing from Sikh communities worldwide and alleged that opposition to the law was being driven by a “particular family”, in an apparent reference to leaders of the Shiromani Akali Dal.

“Those claiming that the Panth has rejected this law must explain why millions are supporting it,” Mann said, accusing some political interests of creating confusion around the legislation for narrow political gains.

‘Long-standing public demand’

The chief minister said the anti-sacrilege legislation was enacted after years of public demand and asserted that there could be no compromise on preserving the sanctity of Sikh religious scriptures.

Mann noted that protests demanding a stricter anti-sacrilege law had continued for nearly one-and-a-half years and claimed that several Sikh intellectuals and scholars who are now criticising the legislation had earlier supported stricter legal provisions against sacrilege incidents.

He also referred to a resolution passed by the Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee in July 2007, authorising the government to frame legislation for protection and respect of the Guru Granth Sahib.

Questioning the opposition’s change in stand, Mann alleged that some leaders were attempting to create a “parallel authority” while politicising a sensitive religious issue.

‘Historic legislation’

Mann thanked people across Punjab for participating in the ‘Shukrana Yatra’, which began at Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib in Anandpur Sahib and concluded in Fatehgarh Sahib.

He claimed Punjabis were “extremely happy” with the enactment of the Jaagat Jot Sri Guru Granth Sahib Satkar (Amendment) Act, 2026 and alleged that previous governments lacked the political will to enact such legislation.

“Now as this historic Act has been passed, it will put an end to this unpardonable offence because no one will dare indulge in such acts again,” Mann asserted.

The political uncertainty in Tamil Nadu finally ended on Saturday evening after C. Joseph Vijay, president of Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK), met Governor Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar in Chennai and formally staked claim to form the next government with the backing of 120 MLAs in the 234-member Assembly.

Vijay, who has been named Chief Minister-designate, is scheduled to take oath as the Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu on Sunday at 10 am at the Jawaharlal Nehru Stadium in Chennai. Nine ministers are also expected to be sworn in alongside him.

The meeting marked Vijay’s fourth interaction with the Governor within four days amid intense post-election political negotiations.

Earlier in the day, the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) extended unconditional support to TVK, helping the party cross the majority mark required to form the government.

Vijay was accompanied during the meeting by leaders from the Indian National Congress, VCK, CPI(M), CPI and IUML.

Earlier on Saturday, the actor-turned-politician formally staked claim to form the next state government after his party secured crucial support from allied parties to cross the majority mark in the Assembly.

The breakthrough came after the Viduthalai Chiruthaigal Katchi (VCK) announced its support for TVK, enabling the Vijay-led alliance to surpass the required figure of 118 MLAs in the 234-member Assembly.

Following the announcement, Vijay met Governor-in-Charge Rajendra Vishwanath Arlekar at Raj Bhavan in Chennai to formally submit his claim to form the government. The meeting marked Vijay’s fourth interaction with the Governor in as many days amid intense post-election negotiations.

Tamil Nadu voted in a single-phase Assembly election on 23 April, with the contest witnessing a fierce battle among the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK), Naam Tamilar Katchi (NTK), and TVK.

The results, declared on 4 May, saw TVK emerge as the single-largest party with 108 seats, though it initially fell short of a simple majority.

In the days following the verdict, TVK held discussions with smaller parties and independent legislators in a bid to secure enough support to form the government. The Communist Party of India (CPI) and the CPI(M) had already extended their backing, while political attention remained focused on the VCK’s decision.

With the VCK and the Indian Union Muslim League (IUML) now formally supporting TVK, the alliance is understood to command the support of around 120 legislators.

TVK general secretary Aadhav Arjuna later displayed documents of support before the media and declared that Vijay would soon take oath as the next Chief Minister of Tamil Nadu.

The rapid political developments sparked celebrations among TVK supporters across the state, while attention shifted to Raj Bhavan as observers awaited the Governor’s decision on inviting Vijay to form the government.

With IANS inputs

Police in Maharashtra’s Gadchiroli district have registered a case against five tribal youths after a video allegedly showed young men and women dancing to a song praising slain Maoist commander Madvi Hidma during a wedding ceremony in a village in Etapalli taluka.

The case was registered after a video clip from the event circulated on social media, police sources said. The incident marks the first such case reported from Gadchiroli, a district that the Centre and Maharashtra government recently declared “Naxal-free”.

According to police, the wedding function was held on 6 May at the residence of Sandeep Hichami in Krishnar village. During the night, several youths were dancing to songs played on a DJ system. Around 11:45 pm, Police Inspector Machhindra Nagargoje and a patrolling team allegedly reached the village after hearing loud music and instructed organisers to stop the DJ as the permitted time limit had passed.

Police sources said that on the following day, a constable identified as Roshan Puram received a video clip through social media showing around 40–50 youths dancing to a song containing references to Hidma. The police subsequently began an inquiry into the incident.

During questioning, Sandeep Hichami reportedly told police that the DJ system had been hired from Shankar Hichami for the wedding ceremony and that traditional tribal dances were being performed. He allegedly stated that he was inside the house for some time and did not know who played the Hidma-related song. Police said the DJ operators were identified as Aryan Hichami and Sharad Kando.

According to the police inquiry, a man identified as Baburao Kando allegedly made provocative remarks against the police administration during the event. Police claimed he questioned the police presence in the tribal village and allegedly praised Maoists and Hidma before insisting that the DJ operator play the song. Another accused, Chaitu Telami, allegedly provided the song to the DJ operators.

Based on a complaint filed by constable Roshan Puram, Etapalli Police registered an FIR against Shankar Hichami, Baburao Kando, Chaitu Telami, Aryan Hichami and Sharad Kando under various provisions of the BNS (Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita) and the Mumbai Police Act. The investigation is being conducted by Woman Police Sub-Inspector Pratiksha Wanve under the supervision of Police Inspector Nagargoje.

The incident comes weeks after a similar case was registered in Pune in April, where two tribal students from Gadchiroli were booked after allegedly dancing to a Hidma-related song during a programme organised on the birth anniversary of B.R. Ambedkar.

The development has renewed debate in the region over tribal identity, cultural expression and the state’s approach towards Maoist-linked symbolism in districts historically affected by Left Wing Extremism.

Gadchiroli has long been one of Maharashtra’s most Maoist-affected districts. While the Centre and the state government recently claimed the district had become free from Naxal influence, security records still indicate the presence of some active Maoist cadres in the region.

The district is also witnessing rapid industrial expansion, with the Maharashtra government planning large-scale steel and mining investments reportedly worth around Rs 50,000 crore.

The Wrestling Federation of India on Saturday declared Vinesh Phogat ineligible to compete in domestic tournaments until 26 June 2026 and issued her a detailed show-cause notice alleging indiscipline, anti-doping rule violations and conduct detrimental to Indian wrestling.

The decision effectively blocks the two-time World Championships medallist from making her planned return at the Senior Open Ranking Tournament in Gonda beginning Sunday. Vinesh had stepped away from competitive wrestling in 2024 following her disqualification from the 2024 Summer Olympics in Paris.

In its 15-page notice, the federation accused the wrestler of causing “lasting damage to the reputation of Indian wrestling” and violating provisions of the WFI Constitution, UWW (United World Wrestling) regulations and anti-doping norms.

WFI president Sanjay Singh said compliance with WADA (World Anti-Doping Agency) regulations was mandatory and that the burden of proving eligibility rested with the athlete.

“We have to see if WADA rules have been followed properly. She has to complete the mandatory six-month notice period before she becomes eligible to compete again,” Singh told PTI.

Anti-doping return rules central to dispute

The federation said Vinesh had failed to satisfy provisions under Article 5.7 of the UWW Anti-Doping Rules governing athletes returning from retirement. According to WFI, athletes resuming competition must notify the international body six months in advance and remain available for doping tests during that period.

The federation referred to a December 2024 e-mail in which Vinesh allegedly informed UWW Anti-Doping authorities that she was on a “sabbatical until August 2025”. WFI claimed that her later communication in December 2025 indicating an intention to return for the 2028 Los Angeles Olympics did not fulfil the mandatory notice requirement.

The notice also cited a communication from the International Testing Agency (ITA) recording a “missed test” against Vinesh after anti-doping officials were allegedly unable to locate her for testing on 18 December 2025.

WFI further referred to an earlier whereabouts failure notice reportedly issued by National Anti-Doping Agency in September 2024.

Paris Olympics disqualification revisited

A significant portion of the notice focused on Vinesh’s disqualification from the Paris Olympics after she exceeded the women’s 50kg weight limit by 100 grams ahead of the gold medal bout against American wrestler Sarah Hildebrandt.

The federation said the incident denied India a “certain Olympic medal” and led to negative international publicity for Indian wrestling. Vinesh had earlier stunned Japanese wrestler Yui Susaki in the opening round before reaching the final.

WFI cited previous disciplinary precedents, noting that Olympic bronze medallist Aman Sehrawat was suspended for one year in 2025 for failing to make weight at the World Championships, while wrestler Neha Sangwan received a two-year suspension in a separate case.

Federation raises issue of dual-category participation

The federation also questioned Vinesh’s participation in both the 50kg and 53kg categories during selection trials held in Patiala in March 2024 for the Asian Olympic Qualifiers.

At the time, wrestling administration in India was being handled by an IOA (Indian Olympic Association)-appointed ad-hoc committee following suspension of WFI activities.

WFI alleged that UWW rules permit wrestlers to compete in only one weight category during an event and claimed complaints had been received regarding disruption and delays during the trials.

The federation has asked Vinesh to explain within 14 days why disciplinary proceedings should not be initiated against her under provisions dealing with indiscipline, unsporting behaviour and conduct prejudicial to the interests of the federation and the sport.

Retired IAS officer Subrata Gupta was on Saturday appointed adviser to West Bengal Chief Minister Suvendu Adhikari, according to an official notification issued by the state government.

Gupta, a 1990-batch IAS officer, had recently served as the Election Commission’s Special Roll Observer for the SIR (Special Intensive Revision) exercise conducted ahead of the recently concluded West Bengal Assembly elections.

A state government official said Gupta’s administrative experience and familiarity with electoral and governance systems were expected to assist the new administration in policy coordination and governance-related matters.

“Gupta’s vast experience is expected to help the new administration in policy coordination and governance-related matters,” the official said.

The BJP (Bharatiya Janata Party)-led government also appointed IAS officer Shantanu Bala as the chief minister’s private secretary, according to a separate notification.

Bala, a 2017-batch IAS officer, was serving as Additional District Magistrate of South 24 Parganas prior to the appointment.

Another official said the move formed part of the restructuring of the Chief Minister’s Office following the change in government in the state.

Both officers have been directed to assume charge of their new assignments with immediate effect, according to the notifications.

For the first time in West Bengal’s political history, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has formed the government in the state, marking a dramatic shift in Bengal politics after the 2026 Assembly election results.

On Saturday, Suvendu Adhikari was sworn in as the new Chief Minister at the historic Brigade Parade Ground in Kolkata. The ceremony drew senior BJP leaders, party workers and supporters celebrating what the party described as a “historic mandate for change”.

Alongside Suvendu Adhikari, several BJP leaders also took oath as ministers, including Dilip Ghosh, Agnimitra Paul, Ashok Kirtania, Nisith Pramanik and Khudiram Tudu.

Senior BJP leaders described the victory as the beginning of a “new era” for West Bengal. Suvendu Adhikari said the government would work for “development, law and order, and democratic governance” across the state. BJP leaders also claimed that people had voted for “change after years of political violence and corruption”.

According to BJP sources, the remaining cabinet ministers are expected to take oath on Monday, 11 May, at Lok Bhawan, where Governor R. N. Ravi is likely to administer the oath. The new government’s first cabinet meeting is expected to be held at Nabanna shortly afterwards.

There is also strong speculation that Tapas Roy could become the next Speaker of the Assembly. BJP MLAs are expected to take oath later next week.

The BJP secured a victory in the Assembly elections, winning 207 of the 293 seats. The Election Commission of India reported that the BJP received 45.84 per cent of the vote share, while the All India Trinamool Congress secured 40.80 per cent. The Congress won two seats, the CPI(M) one seat, the ISF one seat and the AJUP two seats. Re-polling in Falta will be held on 21 May.

However, even as the BJP celebrated its rise to power, former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee launched a sharp political counterattack from her residence in Kalighat during Rabindra Jayanti celebrations honouring Rabindranath Tagore.

Standing before a portrait of Tagore, Mamata Banerjee appealed to all anti-BJP political forces — including Left and far-Left parties — to unite against the BJP government.

She declared, “A thunderbolt of terror is striking from all directions. I urge all political parties, student and youth organisations, and NGOs to come together and form an alliance. Our primary adversary is the BJP.”

In another significant remark, she said, “Whether Left, far-Left, or any national party — wherever you may be — come, let us join forces. The enemy of my enemy is my friend.”Her statement is being seen as a major political signal, especially given the long-standing rivalry between the Trinamool Congress and the Left Front in Bengal politics. Reacting to her appeal, CPI(M) state secretary Mohammed Salim quoted Tagore and said: “When life runs dry, come like a stream of When life runs dry, come as a stream of compassion.”

Mamata Banerjee also accused the BJP of unleashing “post-poll terror” across the state. She alleged that Trinamool workers were being attacked and intimidated following the election results. According to her, “outsiders” had been brought into Bengal to spread fear and violence.

She further claimed that disturbances had taken place outside both her residence and the home of Abhishek Banerjee. Mamata alleged that BJP supporters attempted to disrupt Rabindra Jayanti events and that decorators were pressured not to provide chairs, tents or sound systems for the programme at Kalighat. “We had to arrange everything ourselves. We even had to buy stools this morning,” she said.

The Trinamool chief also accused the administration of withdrawing her security and internet access after the BJP came to power. She claimed that she had suddenly stopped receiving calls and messages before discovering that her internet services had allegedly been disconnected.

At the same time, Mamata Banerjee continued to question the legitimacy of the election outcome. She claimed that although the Trinamool had not lost the elections, “we were defeated through manipulation”. She insisted that “the truth will come out in the days ahead”.

The Trinamool supremo also revealed that several opposition leaders from across India had contacted her after the results. She named Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge, Uddhav Thackeray, Tejashwi Yadav, Akhilesh Yadav, Hemant Soren and Arvind Kejriwal as leaders who had expressed solidarity with her.

Meanwhile, the Trinamool Congress has announced the creation of a relief fund to support party workers allegedly affected by post-election violence. Senior TMC leader Kalyan Banerjee is expected to oversee legal matters related to these cases.

The developments signal the beginning of an intense new political chapter in West Bengal. While the BJP begins its first term in power in the state with a large majority, Mamata Banerjee appears determined to reposition herself as the central figure of a wider anti-BJP opposition movement at the national level.

Rahul Gandhi has criticised the BJP-led Bihar government following an alleged lathi-charge on teacher recruitment aspirants protesting in Patna, accusing the administration of responding to unemployment with force instead of opportunities.

In a post on X, formerly Twitter, the Congress leader condemned the police action against students who had gathered to demand the release of the Teachers Recruitment Examination-4 (TRE-4) notification by the Bihar Public Service Commission (BPSC).

Gandhi alleged that Bihar Police had once again used excessive force against peaceful protesters and claimed the BJP’s answer to unemployed youth was the “lathi”. He said unemployment had become one of the country’s biggest challenges, particularly affecting young people in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh.

According to Gandhi, thousands of educated young people remain jobless despite possessing degrees and qualifications, while governments have failed to address their concerns. He also asserted that the Congress party stood firmly with students and job aspirants fighting for employment opportunities.

The remarks came after large-scale protests erupted in Patna on Friday, with thousands of teacher aspirants marching from Patna College towards the BPSC office to demand clarity on the delayed TRE-4 recruitment advertisement.

The situation turned tense near JP Golambar after protesters allegedly attempted to breach police barricades, prompting officers to resort to a lathi-charge to disperse the crowd. Several students were reportedly injured during the confrontation.

Videos circulating on social media showed police chasing demonstrators through nearby streets, while several aspirants alleged they had suffered injuries during the crackdown.

Officials said nearly 5,000 candidates had participated in the protest march. The aspirants accused the commission of repeatedly delaying the recruitment process and creating uncertainty over the release of the examination notification.

With IANS inputs

NCP (Sharadchandra Pawar) spokesperson Vikas Lawande was allegedly attacked with black ink in Pune district on Saturday, prompting strong political reactions and calls for swift police action.

The incident took place at Mhatobachi Alandi around 10 a.m. when Lawande was returning from a religious discourse programme. According to eyewitnesses and videos circulating on social media, a group allegedly led by right-wing preacher Sangram Bhandare intercepted his vehicle, threw black ink at him and manhandled him before fleeing the scene.

Lawande also alleged that one of the attackers threatened him with a firearm during the confrontation. Police have since registered a case at Loni Kalbhor Police Station against Sangram Bhandare, Akshay Kanchan and several others in connection with the attack. The case includes charges under the Arms Act, following allegations that a pistol was brandished during the incident.

The confrontation is believed to have stemmed from Lawande’s recent remarks regarding the Warkari sect. After an article by NCP (SP) chief Sharad Pawar on alleged “infiltrators” within the sect, Lawande reportedly released a list naming 20 individuals, including spiritual leaders, whom he described as “regressive elements”. Videos from the scene purportedly show Bhandare warning Lawande against criticising religious gurus.

Following the attack, Lawande staged a protest outside the police station, demanding the immediate arrest of those involved.

Deputy Commissioner of Police Sagar Kavade said authorities were reviewing video footage and carrying out legal procedures linked to the FIR. Security has also been tightened in and around Alandi to prevent further tensions between political activists and religious groups.

The attack triggered widespread condemnation from opposition leaders. NCP (SP) MLA Rohit Pawar demanded strict action against those responsible and sought police protection for Lawande, alleging that failure to act would raise questions about political patronage behind the assault.

State Congress spokesperson Sachin Sawant also criticised the incident, saying violence had no place in religious traditions and urging action against those responsible.

However, NCP MLA Sangram Jagtap defended the ink attack, claiming it reflected public anger over remarks made against Hindu religious figures.

Meanwhile, the NCP (SP) has warned of statewide protests if the accused, particularly Sangram Bhandare, are not arrested within 24 hours.

With IANS inputs

As a child, mornings always carried more than the promise of a new day. They meant newspapers, discussions on politics, strains of Rabindra Sangeet over Akash Vani. For the first time in all these years, on the morning of 5 May 2026, all those things seemed so distant, as if from another life.

For the first time in independent Bengal, a far-right party is in power. Ironically, my state was the party’s ideological womb. As the baby journeyed through its life—metamorphosing from the Hindu Mahasabha to the Jan Sangh to achieve adulthood as the Bharatiya Janata Party—its dream to rule over Bengal took one hundred years to come true.

All this is very close to me. I am the daughter of a first-generation refugee. My father did not inherit stability. He built it, after losing his home, his rose garden, his trophies. He wasn’t alone, just one of millions who crossed borders during moments of rupture in the subcontinent’s history. Arriving in West Bengal as survivors looking for ground beneath their feet, a roof over their heads. Bengal was not just a place—it was a possibility. Through language, culture and community, Bengal offered a fragile but real sense of continuity after the traumas of displacement.

Growing up, I did not experience that displacement directly. But I lived with its memory. Today, as the BJP comes to power, the language of politics has shifted in ways that feel familiar—not because I have lived them before, but because I have inherited the memory of where they can lead. That sheer, all-too familiar dread of ‘not belonging’. Those words, that tone. Identity, citizenship, security, belonging—these are no longer neutral words. They carry implications that extend beyond governance, into the realm of lived experience. For someone whose family history is rooted in displacement, these are not distant debates. These are personal.

This shift—that many are calling a ‘recalibration’—is so much more than that. To me, it is the recolonisation of Bengal. Colonisation is not only about capturing territory; it is about capturing people to transform and monetise them into cheap labour. The process of the SIR, initiated just before the election, created an atmosphere of repression. It brought back memories of displacement, of the constant nagging fear that one must be prepared to leave, any time, without warning.

The SIR unleashed a calculated and selective exclusion. I witnessed the desperation of people, especially women, during my trips to the suburbs of Kolkata and the Sundarbans. During one such trip, I saw a little girl holding on to her grandmother’s sari, both standing at the door of a local train compartment. I found out that the woman had survived an attempt to take her own life after the SIR struck her name off the electoral roll. Perhaps the little girl was holding on to her to keep her tied to things that still mattered—family, love, community. On the morning of 5 May, this image came back to me in vivid high-definition.

It was difficult to fathom my emotions. Sometimes frustration, sometimes rage, but mostly, as the day rolled on, despair. Time and again, I questioned the importance of elections, I bewailed the futility of elections. I hoped that this day, too, would pass, like all the others. I wondered, after the dust settled, if I, too, would quietly accept this as ‘fate’.

For minorities in Bengal, identity has historically been layered but relatively unthreatened in everyday life. On 4 May, I saw this baseline altered—not necessarily by removing their rights but by introducing a sense that their right to belong was being reassessed. Already the threat of dispossession was at work. To that was added the threat of displacement.

For Bengal’s minorities—Muslims, Christians and smaller linguistic or ethnic groups—the political shift carries deeper implications. These communities have long been integral to the state’s social fabric. Their presence is not marginal but foundational. But here was the BJP reframing the very concept of belonging!

It emerged through cumulative signals: rhetoric that cast suspicion, administrative practices that felt uneven, and a broader narrative that positioned certain identities as contingent. The result was a subtle but pervasive shift—from easy, assumed belonging to belonging with strings attached.

That growing fear of dispossession and displacement—not always articulated through policy, but felt through the atmosphere of uncertainty. While the current moment may appear chaotic, unbearable, experience from other parts of India suggest that such conditions can, over time, be normalised.

It gave me an eerie feeling, as if a storm was coming. A storm that would destroy everything I held precious. As the day gave way to evening and what felt like a never-ending night, I watched with horror the destruction that was unleashed. Overnight, social and mainstream media turned into a putrid cesspool of hatred and whataboutery.

For me, what was most dreadful was the heckling of women candidates. This was unprecedented. Many women who have been vocal about the wrongs of the BJP were forced to lock their profiles. The threats were so vile it did not matter that they were virtual. Reels showed men and young boys dressed up as Mamata Banerjee being beaten and disrobed. This is the fantasy of the BJP cadres—violence with impunity. Instead of protesting and saving the victims, many were found recording such incidents and sharing them.

Public spaces have long been a canvas of political expression in West Bengal. But today these spaces are overrun by the BJP’s lumpen cadre, brought in by the party for a hostile takeover of Bengal.

This is no ‘recalibration’. It’s the third colonisation of Bengal. The state is at risk of losing control over its resources, its intangible wealth of thought and expression. It faces a violent and terrifying transformation of its intellectual culture that has historically thrived on debate and dissent.

For me, a thread broke on the morning of 5 May. I’m trying to hold on, like that little girl, holding on to her grandmother’s sari

Jagati Baagchi is a political and gender rights activist, with a background in law and forensic anthropology. She divides her time between Kolkata and Kampala

The elevation of Suvendu Adhikari as the first Bharatiya Janata Party Chief Minister of West Bengal marks one of the most dramatic political transformations in contemporary Indian politics. Few leaders embody the shifting ideological and moral landscape of Indian electoral politics as sharply as Adhikari — a politician who rose through anti-establishment mobilisations, built his career under regional secular politics, and eventually emerged as the principal face of aggressive Hindutva politics in Bengal.

His political journey is not merely the story of one individual’s ambition. It is also a commentary on the collapse of ideological consistency in Indian politics, where corruption allegations, political violence, and inflammatory rhetoric cease to matter once electoral utility takes precedence.

Adhikari’s ascent to the state’s highest office symbolises both the BJP’s long-awaited breakthrough in Bengal and the transformation of the state’s political culture from ideological contestation to hyper-polarised identity politics.

A Congress Legacy, A Trinamool Rise

Adhikari did not emerge from the ideological ecosystem of the BJP or the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. His political roots lie in the Congress tradition of coastal Bengal. Following the footsteps of his father, veteran politician Sisir Adhikari, he joined the Congress in the mid-1990s and became a councillor in Kanthi municipality.

When Mamata Banerjee broke away from the Congress to form the All India Trinamool Congress in 1998, the Adhikari family shifted loyalties with her. It proved politically decisive.

Suvendu Adhikari soon emerged as one of the most influential organisers in East Midnapore. Unlike many drawing-room politicians in Kolkata, his strength came from cadre management, rural networks and street mobilisation. His defining moment arrived during the Nandigram anti-land acquisition movement of 2007.

As a leading face of the Bhumi Uchhed Pratirodh Committee, Adhikari helped galvanise resistance against the proposed Special Economic Zone project backed by the then Left Front government. The movement transformed Bengal politics permanently. It shattered the moral legitimacy of the 34-year-old Left regime and propelled Mamata Banerjee into the national spotlight as a symbol of peasant resistance.

Ironically, the same movement that was once projected as a struggle for farmers’ rights and democratic resistance later became the foundation for a new politics of muscular territorial dominance in the region.

The BJP’s Former “Corrupt TMC Leader”

Before his defection to the BJP in December 2020, Adhikari was among the very leaders most aggressively targeted by the BJP itself.

During the Narada sting controversy, BJP leaders repeatedly cited videos allegedly showing several TMC leaders, including Adhikari, accepting cash in exchange for favours. BJP spokespersons routinely portrayed the sting operation as evidence of the “institutionalised corruption” of the TMC regime.

The BJP’s campaign machinery circulated those videos extensively on social media and in election rallies. Adhikari was portrayed as one of the central figures of Bengal’s alleged “cut-money culture.” The phrase “syndicate raj” became a constant BJP attack line against leaders operating in districts under his influence.

Similarly, in the aftermath of the Saradha Chit Fund Scam, BJP leaders repeatedly accused senior TMC functionaries of proximity to chit-fund operators. Adhikari was questioned by the Central Bureau of Investigation in connection with the matter. At the time, the BJP projected these investigations as proof of deep-rooted corruption within the ruling establishment.

Yet politics in contemporary India has increasingly demonstrated that allegations often have an expiry date determined not by courts, but by political realignments.

The moment Adhikari crossed over to the BJP in 2020, the rhetoric changed almost overnight. The same leader once denounced as a corrupt TMC strongman became the BJP’s principal “face of resistance” against Mamata Banerjee. Critics pointed out that even sting-operation videos earlier circulated by BJP platforms quietly disappeared from official channels after his induction.

This is precisely what opponents describe as the “washing machine” phenomenon in Indian politics — where leaders accused of corruption suddenly emerge politically sanitised after joining the ruling party or its ideological camp.

The BJP justified the shift by claiming that Adhikari had rebelled against corruption within the TMC system. But the contradiction remained glaring: if the allegations were once serious enough to demand arrest and prosecution, what fundamentally changed beyond political allegiance?

Nandigram: Symbolism and Personal Vendetta

The 2021 Bengal Assembly election transformed Adhikari from a regional power broker into a national political figure. His decision to contest against Mamata Banerjee in Nandigram converted the election into an intensely personalised battle.

His narrow victory over Banerjee was projected by the BJP as a symbolic defeat of TMC dominance, even though the party ultimately failed to capture power in Bengal.

From that point onward, Adhikari increasingly positioned himself not merely as an opposition leader but as the ideological spearhead of Hindu consolidation in Bengal politics.

The Shift Toward Open Polarisation

What distinguishes Adhikari from many earlier Bengali leaders is the bluntness of his communal rhetoric.

Over the past few years, he has repeatedly made statements targeting Muslims in ways that would once have been politically unacceptable in Bengal’s mainstream discourse. He has spoken about ending what he calls “minority appeasement,” called for identifying “infiltrators,” and frequently framed electoral politics in overtly communal binaries.

Several of his speeches have drawn criticism from civil rights groups and opposition parties for allegedly violating constitutional principles of equality and secularism. Critics argue that such rhetoric seeks to import the politics of religious polarisation seen in parts of North India into Bengal’s historically syncretic political culture.

Supporters, however, portray him as a leader articulating Hindu anxiety allegedly ignored under decades of Left and TMC rule.

But the deeper concern is not merely ideological disagreement. It is the normalisation of political discourse where Muslims are increasingly spoken of not as equal citizens but as a demographic problem, a security concern, or an electoral obstacle.

In a state shaped profoundly by the trauma of Partition and communal violence, such rhetoric carries dangerous historical echoes.

From Anti-Establishment Rebel to Establishment Power

Perhaps the greatest irony of Adhikari’s political career lies in the contrast between his origins and his present image.

He first rose to prominence through a mass democratic movement against state-backed land acquisition and authoritarian governance. Today, he represents a political formation critics accuse of centralising power, weaponising investigative agencies, weakening dissent, and intensifying communal divisions.

The transition reflects not just personal ambition but the broader transformation of Indian politics itself — where ideological flexibility has become a survival strategy and where political morality increasingly depends on proximity to power.

What Adhikari’s Rise Means for Bengal

The emergence of a BJP government under Suvendu Adhikari signals a historic shift in Bengal’s political trajectory. For decades, Bengal politics revolved around class, language, peasant struggles, labour movements and regional identity. Under Adhikari, the axis may increasingly move toward religious polarisation and majoritarian mobilisation.

Whether this transformation produces durable political stability or deepens social fragmentation remains uncertain.

What is undeniable, however, is that Suvendu Adhikari’s rise encapsulates the central paradox of contemporary Indian politics: allegations that once disqualified a politician can disappear through ideological migration, while divisive rhetoric increasingly becomes a pathway to power rather than a barrier against it.

His journey from Congress worker to Trinamool strategist to BJP Chief Minister is therefore not merely a personal success story. It is a mirror reflecting the unsettling evolution of Indian democracy itself.

~Hasnain Naqvi is a former member of the history faculty at St. Xavier’s College, Mumbai

Meta has discontinued end-to-end encrypted direct messaging on Instagram, bringing an end to a feature that had been introduced as part of the company’s broader push towards private communication.

The company has informed users with existing encrypted chats through in-app notifications, advising them to save important messages, images and other media before the feature is fully removed.

End-to-end encryption (E2EE) ensures that only the sender and recipient can read messages. With the feature now withdrawn from Instagram, Meta will retain the ability to access message content, including photos, videos and voice notes, where necessary.

Instagram will continue to use standard encryption, which secures data while it is transmitted between devices and servers but still allows the platform to access content under certain circumstances.

Meta had previously promoted private messaging as “the future of communication” and had spent several years expanding encryption tools across its platforms, including Facebook Messenger. While Facebook Messenger eventually adopted default end-to-end encryption, Instagram’s version remained optional and saw limited use.

According to multiple reports, the company decided to discontinue the feature because relatively few users actively enabled encrypted chats on Instagram.

Privacy advocates, however, argued that optional security tools often struggle with adoption because users are required to manually activate them.

The rollback has been welcomed by some child protection organisations, including the National Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, which has previously argued that encrypted messaging can make it more difficult to detect online abuse and harmful activity involving children.

The development comes amid growing scrutiny of social media platforms and their impact on younger users. A recent study involving more than 8,000 children aged between 10 and 14 found that spending more than 30 minutes daily on platforms such as Facebook, Instagram and Snapchat may contribute to a gradual decline in concentration levels over time.

With IANS inputs

The bunch of spunky Indian girls, who made history by finding a place in the top eight of Under-17 AFC Asian Cup on Friday, are now one win away from a berth in the age group Women’s World Cup Morocco 2026. The job is a demanding one as they face hosts China in the quarter final on Monday, but Italian head coach Pamela Conti is not willing to let the golden chance slip.

“It is an incredible achievement,” Conti told the AIFF media after the Young Tigresses ran roughshod in a 4-0 win over Lebanon. “Nobody believed it was possible, but from the very first moment, I believed that if we trained differently, we could achieve what we have done. I am very happy. There are hardly enough words to describe it. I am only grateful to these players, who from day one have always followed everything we asked of them.”

It was a commanding performance against Lebanon which saw Pritika Barman scoring twice while Alva Devi Senjam and Joya added the other goals in a dominant display. A decorated former Italian international, Conti – who took charge of the girls in January – said: “We played an incredible match. Honestly, 4-0 is even a narrow result because we could have scored more goals. What I really liked was the team’s desire to press high, to keep looking for goals, and the very important tactical organisation we showed.

“But the most important thing was qualifying for the knockout stage, and I am extremely happy about that.”

India made the cut for the tournament after a 21-year absence from the AFC U17 Women’s Asian Cup and were drawn alongside Australia, Japan and Lebanon in a difficult Group B. While defeats against the former two left their qualification hopes hanging in the balance, the Young Tigresses responded emphatically in the decisive final group game.

“From the first day I arrived, I told the players that we had to work, work, and work,” Conti said. “I do not know any other path to success apart from hard work. Nobody complained, nobody got tired of it. We trained for almost three and a half months, twice a day, to achieve this.”

China, India’s next opponents, finished Group A as toppers with 15 goals against Myanmar, Vietnam and Thailand and conceding none. “China are a very strong team,” Conti said. “They have many technically gifted players, they are good tactically, and they have the advantage of playing at home with a lot of crowd support.”

“I already said before the tournament that we would play against every team with dignity, and that is exactly what this team is doing. Playing with dignity gives you something extra, not only in football, but also in life.

“We will go there to play our game, to make things difficult for them, and hopefully we can win and achieve the World Cup qualification that we all want so much,” she added.