With the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) set to return to power in Kerala after a decade, Priyanka Gandhi Vadra on Monday thanked voters for their “overwhelming support” and said the mandate would guide the alliance’s governance over the next five years.

In a message posted on X, Gandhi said the trust reposed by the people would be the UDF’s “guiding force” as it works towards delivering on its promises.

“To all my brothers and sisters in Keralam, thank you for your faith and for your overwhelming support. The trust you have placed in us will be the UDF’s guiding force as we work hard towards building a better future for each one of you,” she said.

“I sincerely hope that our gratitude to you will be evident each day of the next five years as we strive to fulfil our commitments to you with honesty and humility,” she added.

Wayanad mandate highlighted

Referring to her constituency, Gandhi said voters in Wayanad had delivered a decisive verdict in favour of the alliance.

“To my family in Wayanad, you have renewed your belief in the UDF with a resounding mandate - 7 out of 7 seats!! You now have 8 representatives working together towards the development of Wayanad! We will do all we can to live up to your expectations,” she said.

She also congratulated party workers and alliance leaders for their campaign efforts.

“To the workers and leaders of the UDF who worked day and night to take our message of a united and progressive Keralam to every household, my heartiest congratulations, best wishes and gratitude for your tireless efforts,” Gandhi said.

UDF set for comfortable majority

According to trends available on the Election Commission of India website, the UDF was leading or had won in over 95 constituencies in the 140-member Assembly, indicating a clear majority.

The result signals the end of a decade-long rule by the Left Democratic Front (LDF), paving the way for the UDF’s return to power in the state.

When Vijay declared that the 2026 Tamil Nadu Assembly election was a direct contest between his Tamilaga Vettri Kazhagam (TVK) and the ruling Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), many dismissed it as political overreach. Yet, his campaign — unconventional, low on traditional rallies and high on digital mobilisation — has reshaped the contours of electoral politics in the state.

A campaign unlike any other

Rejecting standard campaign playbooks, Vijay avoided large-scale rallies, skipped extensive constituency tours, and largely stayed away from media interviews. Instead, he communicated directly with voters through social media and word-of-mouth amplification by his fan base.

In a strikingly novel approach, he targeted younger audiences — even children — urging them to influence family voting decisions. After polling crossed 85 per cent, he addressed them as “Vijay Mama” and thanked “Kutti, Nanba, Nanbees” for mobilising support.

Crafting a political identity

Vijay’s messaging fused elements of Dravidian ideology with Tamil nationalism, creating a hybrid political narrative distinct from established parties. His public appearances — often spontaneous and symbolic — reinforced his connection with ordinary voters, whether cycling through neighbourhoods or delivering layered speeches at film events.

Over decades, the actor had carefully shaped his public persona. From being introduced as “Ilaya Thalapathy” in the 1990s, he evolved into “Thalapathy” — a title synonymous with mass appeal — before transitioning into a political “Thalaivan” (leader) and ultimately “Muthalvar” (Chief Minister).

Cinema as a political springboard

Vijay’s films increasingly carried political undertones, reflecting social issues and governance concerns. Movies like Kaththi highlighted farmers’ distress, while Mersal stirred controversy over criticism of GST. Sarkar further amplified themes of electoral integrity and political accountability.

Earlier, his film Thalaiva, with the tagline “Born to Lead”, was widely seen as an early signal of his political ambitions.

From fan base to political machinery

The groundwork for Vijay’s political rise had been laid years earlier through the Vijay Makkal Iyakkam, whose members won local body elections in 2021 using his image, hinting at a latent political base.

Many of these grassroots organisers later transitioned into the organisational structure of TVK, providing Vijay with a ready cadre network ahead of his electoral debut.

Influences and early signals

Observers trace his political trajectory to moments such as his public support for Anna Hazare during anti-corruption protests and his adoption of signature phrases to connect with supporters, echoing styles used by leaders like J. Jayalalithaa and M. Karunanidhi.

His visits to victims of the Thoothukudi police firing and his increasing engagement with social issues further cemented his transition from screen icon to political figure.

A carefully engineered transformation

From a child artiste debut in the 1984 film Vetri to becoming one of Tamil cinema’s biggest stars, Vijay’s journey reflects a long-term strategy that blended branding, mass appeal and calculated political signalling.

His rise underscores a rare transformation — where cinematic charisma has been successfully converted into political capital — positioning him as a formidable force in Tamil Nadu’s evolving political landscape.

Thousands of residents of Mumbai's Dharavi, widely regarded as Asia’s largest slum, took out a massive protest march on 4 May against the alleged “dubious role” of the Adani Group and the Maharashtra government in the Dharavi redevelopment project.

Despite heavy police deployment, the rally proceeded from Kumbharwada in Dharavi to the Adani office in Matunga. Protesters, carrying banners of the Dharavi Bachao Andolan, raised slogans of 'Adani hatao, Dharavi bachao'. The march was led by Congress MP Varsha Gaikwad.

Taking an aggressive stance, Gaikwad described the redevelopment project as a “major scam”. She alleged that the government was declaring Dharavi residents ineligible in order to benefit the Adani Group and was “conspiring to render them homeless”. She claimed that the ongoing survey in Dharavi was violating norms, with residents being marked ineligible without consultation.

Gaikwad also questioned the proposed transfer of valuable Mumbai land — such as salt pan areas, mudflats in Malvani, and Deonar — in the name of the Dharavi project. Alleging a Modi–Adani nexus, she accused the Mahayuti government of altering rules to facilitate land transfers. She added that the agitation would continue until Dharavi residents receive their due rights.

Protesters demanded that all residents — eligible or otherwise — be provided housing within Dharavi itself, with 500 sq. ft homes in exchange for existing dwellings, along with equivalent compensation for shops and warehouses. They also called for transparency in the survey process and opposed any forced displacement outside Dharavi.

Gaikwad clarified that neither she nor the residents opposed redevelopment per se, but objected to the current model and survey process. “There is manipulation in the survey, and a conspiracy to render 96 per cent of Dharavi residents ineligible,” she alleged. She further claimed that middlemen were active in the area and that residents were being intimidated by the police.

Alleging a lack of transparency in the redevelopment process, she asserted that Dharavi belongs to its residents. “This land is theirs, these homes are theirs, and they will not leave,” she said, adding that locals must be consulted in the project.

Gaikwad termed the redevelopment exercise “one of the biggest land scams” under the guise of urban renewal, accusing the government of tweaking rules to favour the Adani Group. She said Dharavi residents were self-reliant and questioned the role of “outsiders” in shaping their future. “They cannot be pushed onto dumping grounds,” she said, adding that the struggle would continue until residents are ensured dignified rehabilitation.

There is no doubt in Pat Cummins’ mind about where his priorities lie once he leaves the sport in a few years — family. The Australian Test and ODI captain, back at the helm of a high-flying Sunrisers Hyderabad in IPL 2026 after missing the first half of the season due to a rehab programme, says the day is not far when he is going to ‘live life’ with his family.

Speaking to Elizabeth Day on her podcast How to Fail, Cummins said: “I’m so crystal clear now on the family’s priority. I want to spend as much time as I can with my family. And you just can’t keep kicking things down the road. I think a lot of sportspeople, but maybe me in particular, think — okay, I’ll play cricket till I’m 35 or 36, Albie will be seven or six years old and then life will start, and then we can start hanging out as a family. I’ve definitely changed my mindset now. It’s like, no, I’m going to live life.”

“I’m going to say a big emphatic yes to things that we really want to do as a family. When we’re on tour, let’s make sure we have the time of our lives. We don’t just want to watch the clock tick by,” said the 32-year-old pace merchant, who may be looking at another three-four years of competitive cricket at best.

The Orange Brigade, now third in the season's standings, had been doing well even without Cummins as leader and Ishan Kishan in charge of things but then, as their bowling coach Varun Aaron says, the Australian’s presence as the leader of the bowling pack would make a difference at the business-end of the tournament.

A bit of a reluctant leader when he took over the captaincy in 2021, Cummins steered Australia through one of its most successful phases — including a World Test Championship in 2023 and the ODI World Cup.

Recalling his initial days as captain, Cummins recalled: “Just seen the previous few captains really go through the wringer. There are parts of the role that are obviously appealing — the esteem of captaining Australia — but parts of it that didn’t really appeal to me too much. So, in the end, I decided to go for it. But if it wasn’t to be and if it didn’t work out, I was very comfortable.”

The SRH captaincy since 2024 saw him liberating batters, and top gun Abhishek Sharma was one of the main beneficiaries of the new philosophy. “Marte hue out hona chahiye, darte hue nahi (get out trying to hit, not afraid to hit). I am fine with the team being 100 all out, but I don’t want safe scores of 160 or 170,” Abhishek said recently in an interview, echoing Cummins’ philosophy.  

Like a true leader, Cummins owned up after Kolkata Knight Riders snapped its winning streak with a commanding seven-wicket victory on Sunday at the Rajiv Gandhi International Stadium. SRH were riding high on a five-match streak as it marched into its den at Uppal to face KKR in match one of the Sunday doubleheader, but the Knights turned the tables in the reverse fixture.

Cummins admitted that his 27-run over against Finn Allen was too costly and they ultimately lost due to fine margins going against them. “Not our best day. We had a pretty good start, but then we weren’t at our sharpest. Probably aimed for 200 and then 180, but it wasn’t meant to be. You just need to adapt. The first 8-10 overs were excellent, but they used the match-ups well, and the second half wasn’t good. It dried up and slowed down; we probably should have aimed at 180,’’ he added.

The Communist Party of India (Marxist)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) is heading towards defeat in Kerala after two consecutive terms, if early trends from Monday’s Assembly election results hold.

After multiple rounds of counting, the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF) had surged ahead in 101 of the 140 Assembly seats, while the CPI(M)-led Left Democratic Front (LDF) was trailing with leads in fewer than 40 constituencies. The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) was ahead in just two seats, according to television reports.

Even at time of publishing this report, chief minister Pinarayi Vijayan was trailing in the Dharmadam Assembly constituency by 733 votes. Indian National Congress candidate Abdul Rasheed took over Vijayan.

The marks a watershed in Indian politics — the first time since 1977 that no state will have a communist government.

For decades, even as the Left receded from the Hindi heartland, it retained a firm grip over three key states — West Bengal, Tripura and Kerala. What was once a durable, regionally anchored ideological presence has, over the past decade, shrunk into electoral marginality.

The Left’s high noon came in 1977, when the CPI(M), riding an anti-Emergency wave, captured power in West Bengal, ushering in the longest uninterrupted rule by any party in a state.

Under Jyoti Basu, who served as chief minister for over 23 years, and later Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, the Left Front governed for 34 years — a period that reshaped land reforms and rural politics, even as it later drew criticism for industrial stagnation.

In the northeast, Tripura was the Left's other pillar. In 1993, the Left swept the state, with the CPI(M) winning 44 out of 60 seats. After Dasarath Deb, Manik Sarkar presided over two decades of relatively stable governance, building a reputation for clean politics even as economic opportunities remained limited.

The unravelling began in 2011. In West Bengal, Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress channelled anti-incumbency and anger over land acquisition in Nandigram and Singur to end Left rule, reducing it from a dominant 235 seats in 2006 to just 62.

The defeat was not merely electoral — it marked the collapse of a political ecosystem. Tripura followed in 2018, when the Bharatiya Janata Party breached what was once considered an impregnable Left fortress. The BJP’s 36-seat victory in the 60-member Assembly cut the Left down from 50 seats to 16, signalling a decisive ideological and organisational shift.

Kerala remained the final outpost. The LDF’s return to power in 2016 under Pinarayi Vijayan — and its re-election in 2021, breaking the state’s pattern of alternating governments — had suggested resilience, even renewal. But trends on Monday indicate that this last bastion, too, may be slipping.

The implications will go beyond a routine change of government. It would signal the near-total erosion of the Left as an electoral force in India — from hegemonic power in key states to the margins of the political map.

The deeper question, then, is not just about a lost election, but whether the Left can reinvent itself in a changed political landscape of India where Hindutva has emerged as the strongest ideology, and most winning electoral force.

A case has been registered in Shahjahanpur against a man and several unidentified individuals for allegedly abusing the son of BJP MP Arun Kumar Sagar with casteist remarks, issuing threats and opening fire, police said on Monday.

Saurabh Dixit, the Superintendent of Police, said the complaint was filed by Ankit Sagar, a resident of South City Colony under Kotwali police station limits.

According to the complaint, the incident occurred on 27 April when a dispute broke out between Ankit Sagar and the accused over moving a two-wheeler that was blocking his car.

Allegations of caste slurs, firing and bomb threat

Police said the accused, identified as Raghavendra Singh alias Neetu, allegedly used caste-based slurs, issued death threats and opened fire during the altercation.

The complaint also alleged that the accused threatened to blow up the victim and his family with a bomb before fleeing the scene.

A case was registered at Kotwali police station under multiple provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, including Sections 191(2), 191(3), 109(1), 351(3) and 352, along with relevant sections of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act.

Arrest over threatening social media post

Dixit said that another accused, Arvind Singh Chauhan, was arrested after posting a message on social media allegedly threatening violence.

“Be it a member of Parliament or a minister. If the matter concerns the community, then bullets will fly even inside Parliament. Understand this well -- you have been elected by the public,” Chauhan wrote in Hindi, according to police.

Earlier arrest, main accused absconding

Police had earlier arrested Mukesh Singh, the brother of the main accused Neetu Singh, in connection with a separate Arms Act case in which he was allegedly seen firing in a video.

Dixit said Mukesh Singh has been sent to jail, while Neetu Singh, also an accused in that case, remains absconding.

Arun Kumar Sagar had raised the issue at a press conference on Friday, alleging that his son was subjected to casteist abuse and misbehaviour by a resident of the same colony.

Police said efforts are underway to trace and arrest the remaining accused involved in the incident.

Although only 1 crore votes out of 6 crore had been counted till 1.00 pm on Monday, 4 May, the writing on the wall appeared clear enough. The BJP was leading across West Bengal. Its unexpected victory even in Muslim-dominated constituencies in Murshidabad and Malda reflected how badly minority votes had been split. Pollsters claimed over 60 per cent Hindu voters in the state had consolidated behind the BJP to end the 15-year-rule of Mamata Banerjee and Trinamool Congress.

When Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah left the state on the last day of campaigning on 27 April, both said they would return at the swearing-in of the BJP government. West Bengal governor R.N. Ravi, brought in before the election, twice declared that change was coming to the state. The day before the counting of votes, Mumbai Police gave permission to a victory march celebrating the BJP’s win in West Bengal. They did not need exit polls to tell them the result. They knew.

In hindsight, TMC's defeat will undoubtedly be attributed to people’s restlessness for change and their belief that the BJP, which had held up Central grants, would loosen the purse strings once they came to power in the state.

Big business could barely hide its happiness. Industrialist Harsh Goenka tweeted on Monday afternoon, “Bengal’s business community is absolutely delighted with result of Bengal elections: 1. Development will be back on the agenda 2. Jobs and investments will follow 3. A stronger, more cohesive social climate will emerge. A decisive mandate for BJP is the catalyst Bengal’s economy has been waiting for”.

Both Muslims and women, it was believed, would stand by the TMC. The women’s support for and loyalty to Mamata Banerjee, it was said, was not transactional and BJP’s promise of doubling the cash transfer from Rs 1,500 to Rs 3,000, it was felt, would have no impact.

This turned out to be delusionary, as the counting trend suggested. The pillars had not entirely collapsed but had cracked just enough for the BJP to cash in. Both demography and linguistic pride, wrote columnist Swaminathan Aiyar, would ensure a victory for Mamata. West Bengal, he felt, was not yet ready to accept the hegemony of Hindi-Hindu-Hindustan. Like many other commentators, he has turned out to be wrong.

Even the anger generated by a largely senseless and illogical Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of electoral rolls does not seem to have made any difference. The large number of migrant workers, who were subjected to considerable harassment, having to travel back and forth from their places of work in BJP-ruled states, it was argued, would vote against the BJP, which supported the exercise, with a vengeance. They apparently did not. Could they have been driven to vote for the BJP to buy peace at their place of work?

Anti-incumbency, recruitment scams, women’s safety, lack of industrialisation and steady jobs, corruption and lumpenisation of TMC cadres will be cited no doubt as some of the other factors which influenced the voters in the state. However, the key reason for the defeat of the ruling party seems to be the crippling of Mamata Banerjee by the Union government and the Election Commission ever since the election was notified on 15 March.

The unprecedented transfer of several hundred officers in the state by the Election Commission — from district magistrate and SPs to police constables — would have dealt a blow to the ruling party. The chief minister was reduced to a lame duck as Central Armed Police Forces took over police stations and collectorates. Central agencies like ED and Income Tax raided the offices and the directors of I-PAC, the political consultancy firm which acted as an extension of the ruling party in the districts. While BJP retained control over the ‘machinery’, TMC lost control of it.

The CAPF accompanied BJP candidates during campaigning and warned TMC leaders to ensure that their party cadres did not disturb BJP’s campaigning. TMC overnight stopped being ‘feared’ even as BJP president Nitin Nabin was seen riding in an armoured vehicle of the CAPF.

Reports suggested that all CAPF heads were ordered to remain in the state till after the counting; and the Union home minister — not the Election Commission — declared that 750 companies would stay back in the state even after a new government is installed. Such decisions were once left to the ECI but the difference between the Union government and the election commission has got blurred.

A Delhi court on Monday stayed the filing of an FIR against Abhijit Iyer Mitra, who has been accused of making derogatory and sexually abusive remarks against nine women journalists associated with online media outlet Newslaundry.

Purushottam Pathak, an Additional Sessions Judge, passed the interim order while hearing Mitra’s plea challenging a magistrate’s 23 April direction to register an FIR.

The court stayed the filing of the FIR till 28 May, the next date of hearing. A detailed order is awaited.

Allegations over posts targeting journalists

Mitra has been accused of posting derogatory tweets against Manisha Pande, editorial director of Newslaundry, along with eight other women journalists.

According to the complaint, a tweet dated 28 April 2025 containing the alleged remarks was submitted as evidence, along with another post dated 8 February 2025 in which Mitra allegedly made sexually abusive comments.

Earlier order flagged ‘sexually coloured remarks’

In its 23 April order, the magistrate court observed that the content of the posts qualified as sexually coloured remarks and appeared intended to insult the modesty of the complainants.

The court held that the allegations disclosed cognisable offences under provisions of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita, specifically Sections 75 and 79.

“Police investigation is also necessary to trace and recover the computer/electronic device from which the said tweets were published. This court is also of the view that the action taken report filed in the case is not satisfactory,” the order said.

Interim relief, final decision pending

With the sessions court now granting interim relief, the matter will be taken up again on 28 May, when further arguments are expected.

The case centres on the legal threshold for initiating criminal proceedings in cases involving online speech and allegations of harassment targeting women journalists.

A crucial meeting of the trustees of Tata Trusts scheduled for 8 May is expected to have far-reaching implications for governance within the Tata Group, as well as the future of Tata Sons.

At the centre of the discussions is the proposed reappointment of Venu Srinivasan, chairman Emeritus of TVS Motor, and former defence secretary Vijay Singh. Their positions have gained significance given the ongoing differences among trustees over key strategic issues.

Tata Trusts holds a substantial influence over Tata Sons, with representation accounting for roughly one-third of the holding company’s board. Any change in trustee composition, particularly if Srinivasan were to step aside, could alter the balance of power and further complicate internal dynamics.

Legal experts note that recent regulatory developments have added another layer of complexity. Amendments to the Maharashtra Public Trusts Act, 1950 now limit the proportion of lifetime trustees to 25 per cent of the total board strength. According to Amit A Tungare, Managing Partner at Asahi Legal, the developments point to a broader contest over control of Tata Trusts, with direct implications for the composition of the Tata Sons board.

The debate also ties into the long-standing question of whether Tata Sons should pursue a public listing. Both Srinivasan and Singh are understood to favour such a move, while Noel Tata is believed to be more cautious, potentially seeking to avoid internal divergence on the issue.

People familiar with the matter indicate that the recent amendment provides some clarity but also raises questions around the tenure and structure of trusteeship, particularly in relation to lifetime appointments.

Meanwhile, regulatory pressure on Tata Sons has increased. The Reserve Bank of India has introduced a framework that could categorise large non-banking financial entities as part of an upper regulatory tier, often described as “shadow banks”. Given its asset size — estimated at Rs 1.75 trillion — Tata Sons could fall within this category, which entails stricter oversight.

Under earlier guidelines, Tata Sons, classified as a core investment company, was required to list by 30 September 2025. Although that deadline has passed, recent regulatory changes may influence the path forward.

As the trustees convene later this week, their decisions are likely to shape not only the governance of Tata Trusts but also the strategic direction of the wider Tata Group.

With PTI inputs

India’s benchmark equity indices surrendered a portion of their early gains on Monday as investors turned cautious and booked profits following a strong start to the session.

The BSE Sensex surged nearly 1,000 points in early trade to touch 77,910.75, while the Nifty 50 climbed close to the 24,300 level, buoyed by supportive domestic cues. However, by mid-afternoon, both indices had eased from their highs. The Sensex was up 334.24 points, or 0.43 per cent, at 77,247.74, while the Nifty traded 113.40 points higher, or 0.47 per cent, at 24,110.95.

Market participants attributed the pullback primarily to profit booking after the initial rally, which had been driven by encouraging April auto sales figures, softer crude oil prices earlier in the day and broadly favourable political signals.

Investor sentiment also remained under pressure due to continued selling by foreign institutional investors. Recent data showed sustained outflows, which have weighed on market momentum and limited the upside.

Political developments, including ongoing vote counting in several states, had a limited and short-lived influence on market direction.

According to V.K. Vijayakumar, chief investment strategist at Geojit Investments, market reactions to election trends are likely to remain temporary, with investors focusing more on global developments, particularly tensions in West Asia.

Currency movements added to the cautious mood. The Indian rupee weakened against the US dollar, reflecting pressure from rising crude oil prices and continued foreign capital outflows. Oil-importing economies such as India remain sensitive to fluctuations in global energy prices.

Brent crude prices edged higher during the session, reversing earlier losses and adding to inflationary concerns. The uptick in oil prices, alongside geopolitical uncertainties, contributed to the subdued sentiment in equities.

From a technical perspective, analysts noted signs of resilience despite the volatility. Anand James, Chief Market Strategist at Geojit Investments, said recent price patterns suggest that bulls are attempting to regain control, although elevated volatility levels may persist in the near term. He indicated that the Nifty could move towards the 25,000–25,600 range, with the immediate trading band seen between 24,050 and 24,350.

Overall, while domestic fundamentals provided early support, global uncertainties and cautious investor behaviour kept gains in check.

With IANS inputs

India’s air traffic witnessed a slowdown in April, with both domestic and international passenger volumes declining compared to March, according to figures released by the Ministry of Civil Aviation.

Domestic carriers handled around 14.08 million passengers during the month, marking a 4 per cent drop both year-on-year and on a monthly basis. The decline was more pronounced in international travel, where passenger numbers fell by 20 per cent month-on-month to approximately 2.83 million.

The dip has been attributed largely to disruptions in the West Asia, where ongoing tensions affected flight schedules and reduced connectivity across key transit routes.

However, there are signs of gradual recovery. The UAE’s aviation authorities recently confirmed the full restoration of normal air navigation services, following the withdrawal of precautionary restrictions. In response, both Indian and UAE airlines have begun scaling up services between the two countries.

Flight operations across other parts of the West Asia are also improving. Services from Saudi Arabia and Oman to India continue as scheduled, while airspace in Qatar remains partially accessible, with select airlines operating routes between the two countries.

Air traffic from Kuwait and Bahrain has normalised, with multiple carriers running regular services to India. Meanwhile, limited operations have resumed in Iraq and Israel, enabling onward travel to Indian destinations.

Iran’s airspace is still only partially open, primarily for cargo and chartered flights. Authorities have advised Indian nationals to avoid travel to the country and have encouraged those currently there to exit via land routes with assistance from the Indian Embassy. To date, over 2,500 Indian citizens have been helped to leave Iran through these arrangements.

While the situation remains fluid, aviation authorities indicate that connectivity between India and the West Asia is steadily stabilising.

With IANS inputs

Opposition parties in Odisha on Monday accused the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) of failing to maintain law and order after a man was chased and brutally attacked in broad daylight in Puri district, triggering political outrage.

The incident occurred in Kanas area of Puri district on Saturday, where a group of assailants allegedly chased a man through a crowded marketplace, attacked him with a sharp weapon and ran over him with a motorcycle, according to police and local sources.

The victim, identified as 35-year-old Mrutyunjaya Bharimal of Dokanda village, was critically injured and initially taken to a local hospital before being shifted to AIIMS Bhubaneswar. His condition remains critical, police said.

Police cite past enmity, form teams to nab accused

Prateek Singh, the Puri Superintendent of Police, said preliminary findings suggest past enmity between rival groups may have led to the attack.

“The injured man has a criminal record. The Puri police have formed three special teams to nab the accused persons,” the SP said.

Sources indicated the assault took place barely half a kilometre from a police station, raising further concerns over security.

Opposition alleges breakdown of law and order

Former CM Naveen Patnaik said the incident showed that lawlessness in the state had “crossed all limits”.

“In what direction is the BJP government taking Odisha? The sight of miscreants banding together in broad daylight during the afternoon to brutally and mercilessly carry out a fatal attack on a young man has left the entire populace of Odisha shaken and terrified,” Patnaik said.

He questioned the state’s governance, asking, “Is there rule of law in Odisha, then? Due to the BJP government's inertia and incompetence, criminals are roaming about completely fearless. Ordinary citizens have been gripped by fear and terror.”

The Leader of Opposition further alleged that public trust in governance was eroding.

“People's trust in Odisha's governance system is on the verge of shattering. How much more disastrous does lawlessness have to become before the government wakes up from its slumber?” he asked.

Congress raises alarm over delayed action

Former state minister Bhakta Charan Das also criticised the state government, calling the incident a serious indicator of deteriorating law and order.

“The incident of brutal violence at Pipili Kanas Golabazar continues to raise serious concerns over the prevailing law & order situation in the state. Even after 24 hours, the absence of prompt and decisive action is deeply concerning. People of Odisha deserve a secure environment. BJP Govt must act firmly without delay to uphold law and order,” Das said.

The attack, captured in a widely circulated video, has intensified political sparring in the state, with opposition parties using the incident to question the BJP government’s handling of public safety.

Police said investigations are underway and efforts are on to identify and arrest those involved in the assault.