A local MP/MLA court on Saturday rejected a plea seeking a voice sample of Rahul Gandhi in an ongoing defamation case, and scheduled the next hearing for 11 May.

The application was filed by BJP functionary Vijay Mishra through his counsel Santosh Kumar Pandey, requesting that Gandhi’s voice sample be obtained for forensic comparison with an audio clip submitted as evidence.

The court dismissed the plea after hearing arguments from both sides, including Gandhi’s counsel Kashi Prasad Shukla. Following the decision, Pandey said they would challenge the order by filing a revision petition before a sessions court.

The case dates back to 2018, when Mishra filed a defamation complaint over alleged remarks made by Gandhi against Amit Shah during the Karnataka Assembly election campaign.

After several years of proceedings, the court issued a warrant against Gandhi in December 2023. The Congress leader, who is also the MP from Rae Bareli, later appeared before the court in February 2024 and was granted bail on two sureties of Rs 25,000 each.

Gandhi recorded his statement in July last year, denying the allegations and describing the case as politically motivated.

The matter has seen multiple delays in recent months, including adjournments due to a lawyers’ strike and the ill health of Gandhi’s counsel. The case will now come up for further hearing later this month.

With PTI inputs

Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda has introduced a new academic module centred on the leadership philosophy of PM Narendra Modi, marking what is being described as a first-of-its-kind addition to a sociology curriculum.

The module, titled ‘Modi Tattva’, has been incorporated into a paper on the “Sociology of Patriotism” offered under the university’s BA and MA sociology programmes, The Hindu reported. It will be taught alongside topics covering the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and historical figures such as Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and Sayajirao Gaekwad III.

The inclusion has drawn attention as it places a contemporary political figure within an academic framework typically reserved for historical or theoretical analysis. Sociology department head Virendra Singh said the move reflects the need to examine present-day leadership through established sociological theories.

He noted that the module draws on Max Weber’s concept of charismatic authority, which has previously been applied to leaders such as Mahatma Gandhi and Martin Luther King Jr..

Singh told The Hindu that the course would explore Modi’s leadership in terms of public acceptance and sustained electoral presence, arguing that contemporary political figures cannot be excluded from academic discourse. “Whether one agrees or not, such leadership must be analysed within political and sociological contexts,” he said.

The paper will be offered to fourth-year undergraduate students and postgraduate students, carrying four credits across four units and involving around 60 hours of teaching. The syllabus will cover themes such as geo-nationalism and cultural nationalism, alongside case studies of policy initiatives including demonetisation, digital governance measures, FASTag implementation and the establishment of the Jal Shakti Ministry.

According to Singh, the design of the course was influenced in part by fieldwork conducted by postgraduate students during surveys linked to a NITI Aayog project in rural areas. These studies, he said, highlighted the role of RSS-affiliated individuals in the delivery of government programmes, prompting the inclusion of the organisation in the curriculum.

The development comes amid ongoing debates over the role of contemporary political figures in academic syllabi and the boundaries between scholarly analysis and ideological framing in higher education.

Air India has decided to scale back its international operations between May and July as surging aviation fuel prices and restricted airspace continue to erode profitability, according to industry sources and company communication.

The airline plans to reduce services to key regions including Europe, North America, Australia and Singapore from June, as longer flight routes—caused by airspace restrictions linked to the ongoing West Asia conflict—have significantly increased fuel consumption.

In a message to employees, outgoing chief executive and managing director Campbell Wilson said several international routes had become financially unviable under current conditions.

“A massive rise in jet fuel prices, together with airspace closures and longer flying routes, has caused many of our international flights to become unprofitable to operate,” he noted, adding that the situation remains “extremely challenging”.

Wilson said the airline had already reduced some services in April and May and would be forced to trim schedules further in the coming months. While domestic operations have also been affected, the impact has been comparatively lower due to limits placed on domestic fuel price increases.

Air India Group is estimated to have incurred losses of over Rs 22,000 crore in the financial year ending 31 March 2026, reflecting the mounting pressure on the aviation sector.

The airline has attempted to offset rising costs by increasing fares and imposing fuel surcharges. However, Wilson acknowledged that higher ticket prices have dampened demand. “We can only raise fares so much before passengers choose not to travel,” he said.

The move comes days after the Federation of Indian Airlines (FIA) flagged concerns to the Ministry of Civil Aviation, warning that current fuel prices are pushing airlines towards unsustainable operations. In a recent communication, the industry body said aviation turbine fuel (ATF) prices for international flights had risen by around Rs 73 per litre.

The FIA cautioned that the sector is under “extreme stress”, exacerbated by the West Asia conflict and steep fuel price increases. It noted that ATF, which typically accounts for 30–40 per cent of an airline’s costs, now makes up as much as 55–60 per cent of total operating expenses.

Industry analysts say that unless fuel prices stabilise or operational constraints ease, airlines may be forced to further rationalise routes, potentially impacting connectivity and passenger traffic in the coming months.

Lyricist, writer and communications professional Prasoon Joshi has been appointed chairman of Prasar Bharati, India’s public service broadcaster, the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting announced on Saturday.

Joshi, who has been serving as chairperson of the Central Board of Film Certification (CBFC) since August 2017, is among the few individuals to have been entrusted with both roles by the ministry. Government sources indicated that a new CBFC chairperson is likely to be appointed soon.

The position of Prasar Bharati chairman had remained vacant since December 2025, following the resignation of former bureaucrat Navneet Sehgal.

In an official statement, the ministry described Joshi as a distinguished creative professional with contributions across literature, advertising, cinema and public communication. It added that he is known for his writing and cultural perspective, and has played a notable role in shaping contemporary media narratives in India.

Joshi’s tenure at the CBFC has, however, not been without controversy. In 2019, the Maharashtra Navnirman Sena called for his resignation, alleging preferential treatment in the certification of a biopic on Prime Minister Narendra Modi. There have also been periodic allegations regarding the functioning of the board.

Before his role in public institutions, Joshi held senior positions in the advertising industry, including chief executive officer of McCann World Group India and chairman of its Asia Pacific division. He has also been a trustee of the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts since 2016.

Established under the Prasar Bharati Act, 1990, and operational since 1997, Prasar Bharati functions as India’s statutory public broadcaster. It oversees All India Radio, one of the largest radio networks globally, and Doordarshan, the country’s national television network.

With PTI inputs

Massive outrage broke out in Nasrapur village of Maharashtra’s Pune district after a three-year-old girl was raped and murdered, with angry villagers demanding that the 65-year-old accused be handed over to them so that he could be publicly hanged.

Protesters raised slogans demanding that the accused be handed over, saying they would execute him themselves. A complete shutdown was observed in Nasrapur and surrounding villages, while villagers also blocked the Pune–Satara highway in protest.

The incident has revived memories of the recent Badlapur rape and murder case, once again raising serious concerns over women’s safety in Maharashtra.

The opposition condemned the incident and targeted the government led by Devendra Fadnavis, who also holds the home portfolio. Opposition leaders alleged that incidents of violence against women have increased during his tenure and reiterated their demand for the implementation of the Shakti law.

The proposed Shakti law in Maharashtra provides for time-bound investigations (within 15–30 days) and stringent punishment, including the death penalty, in cases of crimes against women and children such as rape and acid attacks. The law is currently awaiting approval from the central government.

Congress MP Varsha Gaikwad said the law had been drafted during the Maha Vikas Aghadi government and urged the current administration to take steps towards its implementation. Former Home Minister Anil Deshmukh, Congress leader Vijay Wadettiwar and NCP (Sharad Pawar faction) MLA Rohit Pawar also criticised the delay.

According to police, the victim had come to stay with relatives during her summer holidays. On May 1, the accused allegedly lured the child to a cattle shed, where he raped and murdered her before hiding the body in dung. The crime came to light on May 2 after CCTV footage showed the accused taking the child away.

Police arrested the accused and produced him before a court, which remanded him to custody until May 7. Officials said he is a repeat offender, with previous cases of rape involving a minor girl and an elderly woman, for which he had been convicted. He had been out on bail since 2019 before completing his sentence.

When Deputy Chief Minister Sunetra Pawar, who is also the guardian minister of Pune district, visited the victim’s family, she faced protests from angry villagers. She assured that the case would be tried in a fast-track court and that the accused would face the harshest punishment, including the death penalty if convicted. She also facilitated a phone call between the villagers and the Chief Minister, but tensions remained high.

Opposition parties, including Congress and Shiv Sena (UBT), strongly criticised the law and order situation and demanded capital punishment for the accused, citing the gravity of the crime.

The incident has also highlighted a worrying rise in crimes against women and children in Pune district. Official data show that cases under the POCSO Act increased from 256 in 2024 to 311 in 2025. Pune city recorded 280 rape cases and 613 incidents of molestation in 2025.

In March and April 2026, several serious cases involving minors were reported in Pune, including a gang rape of a 15-year-old girl with disabilities, further intensifying concerns over safety in the region.

Authorities have stepped up security in the area as investigations continue, even as public anger and political pressure mount for swift justice.

The tag of being ODI world champions may bring additional pressure to Harmanpreet Kaur & Co when they begin their campaign in the T20 World Cup in June-July in England, but it’s also expected to give them a much-needed self belief. The 15-member squad named by BCCI has a chunk of the squad which won the 50-overs World Cup at home last November, with the only surprise of Amanjot Kaur being not there.

Replying to one of the early queries on her omission, Harmanpreet said at the media interaction in Mumbai on Saturday: “Amanjot is our key player but she is not available. She is away from cricket for 4-5 months now. It was difficult to find someone like her but we are trying. We have got Radha (Jadhav) back in the side and she is also an allrounder. It was hard to find Amanjot’s replacement but we are trying to balance the team.”

The best showing of Women in Blue in World T20 so far came in 2020 just before Covid shook the world when they finished runners up to the all conquering Australians in a one-sided final. The last edition in 2024, when the event had to be relocated to the UAE from Bangladesh at the eleventh hour due to the volatile political conditions in the neighbouring country, saw them exit from the group stages after only two wins.

India find themselves in the tougher of the two groups alongside Australia, South Africa, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Netherlands – with the marquee India vs Pakistan league game on 14 June. While the Pakistan women’s team is one of the weaker ones in Group 1, the match is expected to expected to whip up enough frenzy among the diaspora of both countries in the UK.

Spelling out her plans, Harmanpreet – who will be leading the country in her fifth World T20, said: “I feel that in T20s, powerplay is very important, if you are batting, you have to target runs. If you are bowling, you have to get a couple of wickets in that phase. We want to work very hard for the powerplay and also for the middle overs, as that also plays a big role. We have a plan and the learning which we got from SA.”

When asked about the recent 4-1 drubbing at the hands of South Africa in a bilateral series, Harmanpreet said that one can’t judge her team just on one series defeat. “This was the only series where our bowling didn't click, as we had won an away series before that in Australia. However, we had a lot of learnings there and we know how to improve as a team. We are going to have another camp and we will try to fix all our issues.”

The skipper will be supported in the batting line-up by key players in deputy Smriti Mandhana, Shafali Verma, Jemimah Rodrigues and the hard hitting keeper-batter Richa Ghosh while the bowling responsibilities will largely rest on the shoulders of Deepti Sharma and Renuka Singh.

India squad: Harmanpreet Kaur (captain), Smriti Mandhana, Shafali Verma, Jemimah Rodrigues, Bharti Fulmali, Deepti Sharma, Richa Ghosh, Shree Charani, Yastika Bhatia, Nandani Sharma, Arundhati Reddy, Renuka Singh, Kranti Gaud, Shreyanka Patil, Radha Yadav.

Groupings: Group 1: Australia, South Africa, India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, Netherlands
Group 2: West Indies, England, New Zealand, Sri Lanka, Ireland, Scotland

Re-polling was held peacefully across 15 booths in two Bengal Assembly constituencies on Saturday, with voter turnout reaching 86.9 per cent by 5 pm, according to officials. The turnout was slightly higher in Diamond Harbour, where four booths recorded 87.6 per cent participation, while 11 booths in Magrahat saw a turnout of 86.11 per cent.

The re-poll began at 7 am after approval from the Election Commission of India, following allegations of irregularities during the second phase of polling. These allegations included claims of electronic voting machine (EVM) manipulation, prompting the Commission to order fresh voting in the affected booths—11 in Magrahat West and four in Diamond Harbour. The final results of the Assembly elections will be declared on 4 May.

Meanwhile, tensions resurfaced in Hashimnagar in Falta, where reports of unrest emerged during the day. Supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accused members of the Trinamool Congress of issuing threats and carrying out physical assaults. In response, BJP workers staged a protest that led to a blockade of a National Highway, causing disruption in the area. However, the Trinamool Congress has strongly denied these allegations.

Police forces were quickly deployed to the scene after receiving reports of the unrest. The situation in Hashimnagar remained tense for some time, with local residents demanding the arrest of an individual named Jahangir Khan, the Falta TMC candidate, who they alleged was involved in the incidents.

Separately, officials within the Election Commission have flagged several concerns regarding polling in Falta. During the Commission’s review, reports surfaced claiming that adhesive tape had been affixed to EVMs in certain booths. Additionally, there were unusual allegations that perfume had been applied to the machines in some locations. A detailed report on these matters has already been sent by the office of the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) to the Commission in Delhi for further examination.

Sources suggest that the Commission may consider ordering re-polling in additional booths in Falta, even after the official election results are announced.

In light of these developments, the Election Commission has also issued strict guidelines for the upcoming vote counting process. All personnel involved, both inside and outside counting centres, will be required to sign formal undertakings. These include Counting Assistants, Counting Supervisors, data compilation staff, and police personnel deployed at the centres.

State Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Kumar Agarwal warned that any errors or negligence during the counting process would result in serious consequences, including possible termination of service. He stressed that accountability would be strictly enforced at every level.

At the same time, the state administration has tightened security measures around strong rooms where EVMs are stored. Officials have been instructed to carry out inspections twice daily until the counting process is complete. During these checks, every detail must be carefully reviewed.

This directive was issued following repeated complaints about CCTV cameras malfunctioning intermittently. Authorities have now been asked to ensure that surveillance systems are fully operational at all times.

With heightened vigilance and strict oversight measures in place, officials aim to ensure that the remaining stages of the election process are conducted fairly and transparently.

The All India Trinamool Congress (TMC) on Saturday alleged irregularities in the handling of postal ballots in West Bengal and lodged a complaint with the Election Commission of India (EC).

The allegation is based on an incident at the Khudiram Anushilan Kendra in Kolkata, where electronic voting machines (EVMs) from several assembly constituencies are stored. TMC workers stationed outside the strongroom claimed that eight boxes containing postal ballots were brought in around 4 am and taken to a room without CCTV coverage.

Party leaders said they had consistently demanded comprehensive surveillance of all EVMs and postal ballots, and alleged that moving the boxes outside camera range raised serious concerns about transparency.

Tensions escalated at the site when Purnima Chakraborty, a candidate of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) from Shyampukur, arrived with her supporters. Both sides exchanged slogans, prompting police intervention to maintain order. Chakraborty accused TMC workers of creating unrest out of fear of defeat.

A similar protest unfolded at Barasat Government College in North 24 Parganas district, where TMC supporters alleged that CCTV cameras outside a strongroom had been switched off for 17 minutes. The party’s Ashoknagar candidate, Narayan Goswami, reached the spot and sought access to the premises.

Election officials, however, denied any lapse in surveillance, stating that the cameras were functioning properly and that only the external monitor wires had been damaged. They added that the recorded footage for the period in question would be made available to political parties upon request.

Meanwhile, the BJP circulated a video purportedly showing a man scaling the wall of a building in East Bardhaman district where EVMs were stored. The EC dismissed the clip as outdated, clarifying that the individual was part of a team installing CCTV cameras and air-conditioning units.

The allegations come just days before the counting of votes, heightening political tensions in the state as parties remain on edge over the integrity of the process.

With IANS inputs

A court in Nashik on Saturday rejected the anticipatory bail plea of a key accused in a high-profile workplace harassment case at Tata Consultancy Services (TCS), citing the need for custodial interrogation.

Public prosecutor Ajay Misar said the court found the allegations against Nida Khan to be serious and noted that she was among the prime accused in the case. “Her custodial interrogation is necessary,” he told reporters, adding that the detailed order would be uploaded later.

Khan, who had sought pre-arrest bail on grounds including her pregnancy, is currently untraceable, with police teams searching for her across Maharashtra.

The case forms part of a wider investigation into alleged sexual harassment, mental abuse and coercive religious conversion at a TCS unit in Nashik between 2022 and 2026. According to police, multiple complaints by women employees led to the registration of nine First Information Reports, prompting the formation of a Special Investigation Team (SIT).

Investigators have so far arrested eight individuals, including a female operations manager, in connection with the allegations. The FIRs claim that some employees were subjected to harassment and pressure to adopt specific religious practices, with one accusation stating that women were advised to dress and behave in line with Islamic traditions.

Police sources said the case came to light after a series of complaints from employees, following which authorities conducted a covert inquiry over several weeks to verify the claims. The SIT is now examining the extent of the alleged misconduct as well as possible gaps in internal grievance redressal mechanisms.

The incident has drawn national attention, raising concerns over workplace safety, implementation of the Prevention of Sexual Harassment (POSH) Act, and broader issues of coercion in professional environments.

In response to the developments, TCS has reiterated that it maintains a zero-tolerance policy towards harassment and coercion, stating that it is cooperating with the investigation.

Officials said the probe is ongoing, with further arrests and developments likely as investigators continue to examine evidence and testimonies.

With IANS inputs

As West Bengal awaits the counting of votes on 4 May, an unusual but telling trend has emerged across the state—an unexpected surge in the sale of Abir, the coloured powder typically associated with Holi. From Siliguri in North Bengal to Burrabazar in Kolkata, traders and manufacturers report a sharp rise in demand, driven not by a festival but by political anticipation.

In North Bengal, where the first phase of voting has already taken place, speculation over the outcome has translated into brisk business for abir sellers. While demand exists for multiple colours, traders say saffron and green powders—associated with major political parties—are dominating sales. Interestingly, in some pockets green has begun to edge ahead, though the broader picture remains mixed.

Sudipta Bhowmik, a manufacturer in Siliguri, explained that demand for abir usually drops after Holi, but this year has been different. “We had almost stopped production after the festival,” he said. “But suddenly, with the election results coming up, demand shot up again. We are now producing both saffron and green abir, and it is becoming difficult to keep up.”

From Siliguri, consignments are being dispatched across North Bengal, covering districts from Cooch Behar to Malda, as well as the hill regions. According to traders, both major parties are stockpiling abir in preparation for victory celebrations.

At Bidhan Market in Siliguri, vendor Kamal Saha noted a significant change in buying behaviour. “People are not buying small packets anymore,” he said. “They are buying full sacks worth 500 rupees and even saying they might need more. Green is selling, but saffron demand is unusually high. We have not seen this in earlier elections.”

A similar trend is visible in other districts. In Bankura, trader Raju Kundu reported strong sales despite rising prices. “Saffron abir is selling the most,” he said. “Green is also moving well, but there is almost no demand for red. Prices have gone up, yet people are still buying in large quantities.”

Another trader, Bapi Das, offered a slightly broader view. “Both green and saffron are selling the most,” he said. “But we should also remember that the upcoming Haribol Mela is adding to the demand.”

Across multiple markets, one pattern is clear—red abir, once commonly associated with earlier political trends, has seen a steep decline in demand. Traders consistently report minimal interest in the colour this season.

In Kolkata’s Burrabazar, the state’s largest wholesale market, green abir appears to be leading in terms of bulk stocking. Merchants have filled their warehouses with sacks of green powder, anticipating strong demand if the ruling party performs well.

Raghunath Sanyal, a colour merchant, said, “We have stocked mostly green abir. It seems that is what people expect will be needed. We have kept some saffron and red, but in smaller quantities.”

Retailers from various districts have already begun purchasing from Burrabazar in anticipation of post-result celebrations. One trader from Bardhaman said he planned to buy multiple sacks of green powder, expecting demand to rise further.

The surge in abir sales is not limited to traders. Political workers of the TMC, themselves have started preparing early. In several areas, including Uttarpara, supporters have already begun symbolic celebrations, playing with green coloured powder days before the results are announced.

Leaders have also contributed to the atmosphere of anticipation. Party organisers have urged workers to stock up on colours and prepare for celebrations, reinforcing the sense that the result day could resemble an out-of-season Holi.

Manufacturing hubs in Tamluk, East Medinipur, are also witnessing an unusual revival. Factories that typically operate only during the Holi season have reopened to meet the sudden demand. Production is now running at full capacity, focusing largely on green and saffron powders.

Factory owner Sadhan Chandra Guria said, “We will only know which colour wins on the day of the results. But I believe green will be in highest demand, so we have focused entirely on producing that.”

Despite the heavy speculation, traders admit that uncertainty remains. Different regions show different trends—some report saffron leading, others say green is ahead. What is clear, however, is that the scale of preparation is unprecedented.

As 4 May approaches, the state is not only preparing for a political verdict but also for a spectacle of colour. Whether it is green or saffron that dominates the streets will depend on the final results. Until then, markets continue to buzz, factories run at full pace, and West Bengal waits—ready to celebrate, whichever way the mandate goes.

The FIFA Congress in Vancouver on Thursday night saw geopolitics rearing it’s head when the Palestine and Israel football officials did not shake hands despite an effort from Gianni Infantino to bring them together on stage. It sparked off an awkward moment in full gaze of the delegates at the Vancouver Convention Centre while the Iranian officials’ absence for the conclave was also brought up during their roll call.   

 Palestine Football Association (PFA) President Jibril Rajoub refused to shake hands with Basim Sheikh Suliman, the vice president of Israel’s national football governing body, despite Infantino’s appeal. Both addressed the Congress but when the FIFA boss tried to orchestrate a handshake between the two, Rajoub moved away from Suliman – protested loudly away from microphones before walking away from the stage.

 “President Rajoub, Vice President Suliman, let’s work together. Let’s work together to give hope to the children. Let’s work together for that,” Infantino said on a night he also confirmed that he would be running for re-election.

Rajoub, on his part, urged FIFA to address the Palestine Football Association’s allegations that Israel has breached anti-discrimination regulation by allowing clubs based in the West Bank settlements. He also said that PFA had knocked on the doors of the Court of Arbitration for Sport (CAS) after FIFA ruled in March not to suspend Israel over its West Bank clubs.

The PFA official also questioned whether Israel has “the right to even be part of FIFA. “From my side, I still respect and follow all the legal procedures through FIFA institutions but I think it’s time to understand that Israel should be sanctioned because of the violations of the statutes of FIFA, the human rights,” he said.

Meanwhile, Yariv Teper, acting general secretary of the Israel Football Association, said that they were willing to work with the Palestinian counterparts. “We are in the FIFA Congress,” Teper said. “Our mission is to promote football and a better future for all regions, and this is our mission.”

Earlier in the day, Infantino opened his remarks by addressing the absence of the Iranian delegation. “Let me start at the outset confirming straight away for those who maybe want to say something else, or write something else, that of course Iran will be participating at the FIFA World Cup 2026,” he said.

“And of course Iran will play in the United States of America. The reason for that is very simple, dear friends. It’s because we have to unite. We have to bring people together.”

Iranian soccer federation president Mehdi Taj and other officials had arrived at Toronto Pearson Airport on Tuesday night but were denied entry into Canada. Taj had previously served as a commander in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps which Canada listed as a terrorist entity in June, 2024.

Commenting on the row, Canadian Foreign Affairs Minister Anita Anand said it was her understanding that the Iranian delegation had received permission to enter Canada but it was then revoked. Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada did not respond to questions about reports that Taj had been issued a temporary resident permit, which allows foreign nationals who are otherwise inadmissible to Canada to enter the country temporarily if there is a ‘compelling’ reason.

There was a time in Nehruvian India when the poor had faith in a simple yet revolutionary idea: ‘Padh jaayenge, toh badh jaayenge’. Education was the great leveller. It was the escape route out of caste, out of poverty, out of the inherited disadvantages of birth. Education was enshrined in the Constitution as a promise to India’s most poor and disadvantaged citizens.

Public universities, the IITs, the IIMs, government medical colleges were not merely institutions; they were the physical architecture of social mobility.

But the faith India’s poor and excluded had in education is faltering. And it’s not by accident but the consequence of a policy drift.

What began as creeping privatisation two decades ago has been deliberately accelerated under 12 years of BJP rule, turning it into a strategy designed to price education out of the reach of the poor. Coupled with stagnant salaries, the cost of education is leading to worsening poverty.

The entry of private capital into higher education began in the late 1990s and accelerated through the 2000s. It was propelled by the experience of underperforming and crumbling public universities. The infusion of private capital, it was believed, would bring both quality and greater access. But the experience of the past three decades has proven the folly of those expectations.

India’s higher education system is the third largest in the world by enrolment. We have 43 million students in over 60,000 colleges and 1,200 universities. These numbers underline the monumental wasted potential.

A country that aspires to be a knowledge superpower is producing graduates who can’t find jobs and innovators who fail the test of commercial application. It is re-engineering education in a way that dulls critical faculties and equates success with the ability to crack multiple-choice tests.

The higher education economy

The single most consequential effect of privatisation has been the transformation of a public good into a private commodity. Private institutions have mushroomed while public ones by and large are starved for resources.

The fees of premium institutions have shot up. The tuition fees of IIM-A (Ahmedabad), for example, surged from Rs 4 lakh in 2007 to Rs 27 lakh in 2021; of IIT Bombay from Rs 1.08 lakh in 2008 to Rs 8 lakh in 2024-25. In the private sector, a regular BA degree in an average university today costs Rs 3–6 lakh; a BTech Rs 8–20 lakh. Management degrees can cost from Rs 5–30 lakh. And the burden of higher cost has been passed on to students.

High tuition fees is not the whole story. India’s higher education system has been captured at the point of entry by a parallel, unregulated, multi-billion-rupee coaching industry. JEE and NEET, the two national entrance examinations for engineering and medicine, are so disconnected from the school curriculum that it is now practically impossible to crack these exams without coaching. The entrance examination, which is supposed to select talent from the educational system, has itself become a separate educational system.

The GST collection from coaching institutes grew from nearly Rs 2,200 crore in 2019-20 to over Rs 5,500 crore in 2023-24! This is an industry that profits from the failure of the formal education system; it’s a business model built on institutional inadequacy.

The coaching industrial complex is not educating India; it is extracting wealth from anxious families by exploiting the gap between what schools teach and what entrance tests demand.

Education as a loss-making investment

In the UPA years under Dr Manmohan Singh, salaries in India grew three to five times over ten years. Nurses, engineers, teachers, civil servants, private sector employees, all saw real income growth.

In these circumstances, the investment in education felt like a rational decision because the ‘returns’ were generous. The social contract between education and its reward was intact.

By contrast, for nearly a decade in the Modi years, starting salaries for fresh graduates have stagnated at Rs 3-4 lakh per annum, even as the cost of education has multiplied three to seven times. And this, if they get a job. Most don’t!

The last available figures of the All-India Survey of Higher Education (AISHE) 2021-22 show total enrolment in higher education at 4.33 crore. The average has hovered in the same range for the past few years. In 2023, only 81.2 lakh got a job, including 39.1 lakh in sectors like IT services and banking.

The India Skills Report 2025 places graduate employability at 60 per cent for BTech graduates and 45 per cent for arts graduates. Nearly 45 per cent of graduates aged 20 to 24 are jobless. In 2024, two out of five IIT graduates, or 40 per cent, went unplaced.

Meanwhile, corporate profits in several sectors have gone up five times. Wealth is being generated alright, but it’s not reaching those who labour. Wages are decoupled from growth. By design. Labour protections have been weakened systematically. Wage floors have not been raised to compensate for inflation and employment has been ‘casualised’. The rich are getting richer and the poor graduate gets a crippling debt with his degree.

This is not a market outcome; it’s a policy outcome. When corporate profits grow five times and salaries do not move, the distribution of economic gains has been determined by a government that chose whose interests it will prioritise and protect.

The accreditation scandal

Aspiring families will pay any price for a degree if the brand has cachet, if the positioning is attractive. This psychology drives the explosion of private universities. Designer courses are being fashioned with fancy names for maximum marketability and advertised aggressively with fraudulent placement statistics.

Gullible students and their families are often unable to tell a good course from a scam. Accreditation ratings and NIRF (National Institute Ranking Framework) ratings are of little help. The accreditation architecture itself is in a shambles. In February 2025, the CBI arrested NAAC inspection committee members for accepting cash, gold, laptops and phones in exchange for A++ ratings.

The NAAC (National Assessment and Accreditation Council) dismissed 900 of its 5,000 assessors after the scandal, but it still didn’t invalidate the fraudulent grades they had awarded! Tainted institutions with fake A++ ratings continue to attract students and their families’ hard-earned money.

In March 2025, the Madurai bench of the Madras High Court stayed the NIRF rankings. It found that the National Board of Accreditation (NBA) relies entirely on unverified, self-submitted data. A 2024 exposé found over 50 institutions falsely advertising accreditations or using forged certificates.

****

The government’s own Economic Survey 2024-25 acknowledged the need for regulatory transparency in higher education. It’s an admission that the current framework is failing.

Investing in education is today making families poorer. Even those fortunate enough to get jobs work on salaries that will take them years to recover just the fees paid for their education.

During the UPA years, an entire generation moved into their own houses, buying them on EMIs. Today, it’s practically impossible for young employees to dream of their own house.

When the poor and marginalised conclude that education is no longer affordable, that a degree will lead nowhere, that the salary will never recover the cost, they will gravitate towards a rational decision: to stop sending their children to universities.

When that happens, these children will perforce return to hereditary, caste-based occupations, undoing the Constitutional promise of social mobility for all Indian citizens.

Gurdeep Singh Sappal is a Permanent Invitee to the Congress Working Committee. More by the author here