Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s prison system has long been criticized for its poor conditions, ranging from overcrowding and procedural delays to unsanitary environments and allegations of abuse. 

These concerns are again mounting following the deaths in recent days of nine detainees in various detention centers across the country.

The first case involves five deaths inside the Yare III prison in the state of Miranda, as confirmed on April 20 by the Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs.

After several hours of silence and conflicting reports, the agency issued a statement indicating that the deaths were the result of a fight inside the prison. 

The victims were identified as Keivin Matamoros, Eliecer Córdoba, Erkin Ramos, José Andrade, and Jean Carlos Jiménez.

The Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP) last week requested that an investigation be conducted to clarify what had occurred. Furthermore, they noted that relatives of the detainees did not believe the government’s version of events, as the deceased reportedly suffered gunshot wounds.

“These allegations are particularly alarming in a prison where the state exercises total control and where the entry of weapons cannot be explained without the participation, tolerance, or negligence of the custodial authorities,” the observatory stated.

For this reason, the organization demanded that Ángel de Castro, the director of the Yare III prison, be removed from office. 

It also called for the prison to be placed under the supervision of a commission comprising the Public Prosecutor’s Office, the Ombudsman’s Office, the Ministry of Penitentiary Affairs, and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), based in Caracas, to verify the current detention conditions, guarantee the lives and safety of the inmates, and ensure transparency in the investigation of the recent killings. 

Family members of other prisoners have also publicly asked authorities if anyone else was injured in the incident and, if so, what their condition is.

The OVP has documented human rights violations at this prison before. 

The complaints they have received indicate that there have been incidents of torture and cruel and inhuman treatment, such as beatings with a bat called “human rights” and prolonged confinement in the “tigrito” cell, a space devoid of light and ventilation.

Four deaths in recent days

In a separate case, the OVP reported on April 21 the death of Rosqui Norberto Escalon (71), who it claims was the victim of a series of irregularities at the Uribana prison in the state of Lara in northern Venezuela. 

They noted that the inmate died on the way back to the prison, after officials allegedly forced his medical discharge despite his frailty.

The man’s body was allegedly left on the floor of the Barquisimeto Central Hospital by guards. The incident was captured on video, which has gone viral on social media.

Similar deaths were also reported: 

• Yelamo Zárraga José Ramón’s death inside the Tocuyito Prison, the country’s largest penitentiary, was reported on April 24. 
• Deivi Enrique García’s death at Rodeo IV was reported on April 20. 
• Ovidio José Madriz Mendoza’s death at Rodeo III was also reported April 20. 

The OVP stated that these individuals “died in circumstances marked by a lack of timely medical care and degrading living conditions. They, too, are victims of state negligence.”

Featured image: Prisoners in Venezuela.

Image credit: The Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP) website.

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Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s interim President Delcy Rodríguez announced that the country’s so-called amnesty law, which aims to free political prisoners detained during the regime of Nicolás Maduro, will come to an end just two months after its approval in February.

During an April 24 event at Miraflores Palace, the presidential headquarters, the president said, “This amnesty law is coming to an end. For those cases that were not covered, or rather, were expressly excluded, there are other avenues through which they can be addressed.”

She also noted, “In the Democratic Coexistence and Peace Program—from which some members have moved to the Executive Branch—there is a forum for addressing cases related to justice. The same applies to the Commission for Criminal Justice Reform.”

At the meeting, Rodríguez said that some 8,616 people had been freed under the amnesty law, the BBC reported.  

According to Foro Penal, an NGO that monitors political detentions in the country, 473 political prisoners remain in jail. (Other NGOs have counted as many as 670 political prisoners still in custody). Many of their family members are worried about their fates as the sun goes down on the amnesty law. 

Other NGOs, such as the Venezuelan Program for Education and Action on Human Rights (Provea), have been more forceful, rejecting Rodríguez’s statements and characterizing the move as a major setback for the country.

“This constitutes an arbitrary and unconstitutional measure that does not contribute to the process of coexistence and peace that has been announced,” the organization wrote.

It added that, despite its limitations, “the Amnesty Law is a first step toward dismantling the repressive framework that has stifled the rights of the Venezuelan people in recent years.”

The organization argues that an instrument such as amnesty for political prisoners must be part of any process of reinstitutionalization in the country. 

“It should be a first step in that direction, but it is not a prerequisite for the full release of all those deprived of their liberty for political reasons,” Provea noted.

Featured image: Families of political prisoners protest in Caracas in February 2026.

Image credit: Julio Blanca for Latin America Reports

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Caracas, Venezuela — Nearly a month has passed since the 90-day limit on Delcy Rodríguez’s term as acting president of Venezuela expired. Now, various opposition groups are calling for presidential elections amid political uncertainty in the country. 

The matter of how elections should proceed — if at all — is complicated by a number of issues including disputed results in Venezuela’s 2024 elections and the United States’ capture and arrest of President Nicolás Maduro on January 3. 

Roberto Abdul, a political activist who helped organize primary elections for Venezuela’s opposition movement in 2023 and was detained by the government that same year, told Latin America Reports that the legitimacy of Maduro’s presidency plays a role in the current debate surrounding Rodríguez, who was Maduro’s vice president at the time of his capture. 

He said that “While the [National Electoral Council] did not present the [voter] tally sheet” to prove Maduro’s victory in elections, the opposition did manage “to present nearly 83% of the tally sheets issued by the machines” showing their candidate, Edmundo González, won the elections. 

Because Venezuelan vice presidents are not elected but rather appointed by the president, as a Maduro appointee, the question around the legitimacy of Rodríguez’s position within the government further muddies the waters. 

“Therein lies the problem from a constitutional standpoint,” he said. 

Further, Article 233 of the country’s Constitution distinguishes between the temporary and permanent absence of a president, while Article 234 outlines the procedure for governing the country in the president’s absence. 

According to Article 234, in the event of a temporary absence, the vice president takes control of the government for a period of 90 days — a period which can be extended by the legislature for another 90 days. 

However, if the president’s temporary absence lasts for more than 90 days, the National Assembly (Venezuela’s legislature) must decide by a majority vote whether the president’s absence should be considered permanent, which would initiate new elections within a 30-day period. 

Abdul explained that the unprecedented circumstances surrounding Maduro’s absence are frustrating the very definition of his absence. 

On January 3, U.S. special forces teams assaulted Venezuela’s capital, Caracas, and captured Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, and took them by sea and air to New York to face drug trafficking charges. The legality of the dictator’s rendition has been questioned by international legal experts. 

Maduro’s trial could take months, if not years, far exceeding the time limit for a temporary absence (maximum 180 days) afforded by Venezuela’s Constitution.

Due to this unique circumstance, there is a debate over how to apply Articles 233 and 234 to Maduro’s absence. Furthermore, Abdul points out that, given the lack of separation of powers, the interpretations of the Supreme Court and other bodies tend to be “biased” in favor of the Chavista government, rather than strictly adhering to the spirit of Constitutional law. 

The National Assembly slow rolling the debate 

The National Assembly, which is controlled by government loyalists, was supposed to begin debates around the expiration of Rodríguez’s first term as acting president between April 6 and 10. The debate has yet to take place, even though her term expired on April 5. 

Jorge Rodríguez, president of the National Assembly and Delcy’s brother, has made comments suggesting that the legislature’s main focus is restarting Venezuela’s economy, and not new elections. 

“The most important thing right now is the economy. It’s essential that the Venezuelan economy grows so dynamically that the population feels this entire process has been worthwhile,” the parliamentary leader told Spanish newspaper El País. “Furthermore, we are engaged in a profound dialogue with all opposition groups that remain within the bounds of the Constitution, including those living abroad. I couldn’t tell you exactly when, or even what the first election will be, because there’s so much to do.”

Other Maduro loyalists are also pushing back on holding elections. Diosdado Cabello, Minister of the Interior and Justice, said last week during an event, “Now they’re [the opposition] calling for elections because President Nicolás Maduro is completely absent. Well, you were telling us that Nicolás Maduro didn’t win [elections in 2024], so how is it that now you’re demanding the complete absence of someone who didn’t win?”

Even if the legislature declares Maduro’s absence permanent, Abdul argues there is much to do to ensure free and fair elections in Venezuela. 

First, he said, the National Electoral Council (CNE) must appoint a new board which is the result of a bipartisan agreement. “We must try to ensure it adheres as closely as possible to the rules to generate the greatest credibility and the highest possible levels of legitimacy,” he stated.

Another important consideration, Abdul argued, is whether to hold only presidential elections, or a wider “mega-election” that would decide National Assembly seats, governorships, and mayoral offices.

Among other challenges facing any impending elections would be facilitating voting for the 4.5 to 5 million eligible Venezuelans living abroad; technical assistance from a foreign body like the United Nations to facilitate observation; and reversing political disqualifications and reinstating political parties that were banned during Maduro’s administration. 

“It is a complex process, but it is achievable; it’s not like you’re sending someone to the moon out of thin air—it’s something we’ve already gone through,” Abdul concluded.

Featured image: Venezuela’s National Assembly votes on a law to streamline administrative procedures in March 2026.

Image credit: The National Assembly of Venezuela via X.

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Caracas, Venezuela — Acting President Delcy Rodríguez’s government continues to make significant shake-ups within Venezuela’s institutions. Late last week, her administration announced the appointment of Larry Devoe as attorney general and Eglée González Lobato as the new ombudsman.

Various NGOs have questioned the appointments on whether or not they show a willingness towards true political transition in the country following the United States’ capture of Nicolás Maduro on January 3. 

The organization Transparencia Venezuela (Transparency Venezuela), dedicated to promoting transparency within public administration and exposing cases of corruption, noted on X that Devoe does not meet the necessary requirements for this position. 

“His professional background does not include experience as a judge nor prosecutor. His career has unfolded primarily at the Ombudsman’s Office and the National Human Rights Council, in addition to his role as the state’s representative before international bodies,” the NGO wrote.

Devoe has held various positions within the Chavista government. One of the most significant was as head of Venezuela’s National Human Rights Council, which supports “compliance with the instructions of the President of the Republic regarding national public policies on human rights.”

He also served as the State’s representative to the Inter-American Human Rights System, representing the government before the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), and defending Venezuela against its many human rights abuse allegations.

Devoe replaced outgoing Attorney General Tarek William Saab, who had served in that role for around eight years.

The organization also pointed out what they say is another key problem: “He does not hold a doctoral degree in criminal law, but rather a Master’s degree in Constitutional Law from the University of Valencia, Spain.”

In the case of González Lobato, the NGO argues she also does not meet the requirements of Article 280 of the Constitution for the position of Ombudsman: an official who “demonstrates proven competence in human rights matters.” 

Before entering politics, González Lobato served as legal counsel for the National Electoral Council (CNE). She is a sought-after voice for her expertise on electoral matters and has delivered critical statements against the opposition, which she has labeled “traitors.”

Ahead of disputed elections in 2024, she often went on television to argue that Maduro could win elections in the country without electoral fraud. The CNE would later certify elections in favor of Maduro, despite Venezuela’s opposition and international observers presenting evidence to the contrary. 

González Lobato replaces Alfredo Ruiz, who had held the position since 2017.

Transparencia Venezuela believes that neither of these appointments represents a change for these institutions, which are central to how the country functions.

“Without guarantees or fundamental reforms, reinstitutionalization is not possible,” they explained.

In a document signed by 60 NGOs, they denounced the selection process for lacking transparency, citizen participation, and independence, violating constitutional principles.

Furthermore, they criticize Devoe’s track record due to his prior ties to bodies involved in political persecution, and point out González Lobato’s lack of experience in human rights.

Despite the objections, the NGOs urged new officials of their ethical and legal obligation to act independently of political power and to guarantee human rights without discrimination.

Specific demands also include the immediate cessation of political persecution, the release of arbitrarily detained prisoners, and the effective investigation of crimes against humanity identified by international organizations. 

Likewise, the NGOs urged both government institutions to cooperate fully with the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the United Nations (UN), conduct transparent visits to detention centers, and promote Venezuela’s re-entry into the Inter-American Human Rights System, in order to reverse the pattern of criminalizing dissent and restore public trust.

The political appointments come at a time when the government is seeking to project an image of “reinstitutionalization” and modernization to the international community. 

However, critics believe that they do not truly represent a sign of change in Venezuela, given that those appointed are still very much linked to the government of Delcy Rodríguez.

Featured image: Larry Devoe and Eglée González Lobato.

Image credit: Transparencia Venezuela via X.

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Caracas, Venezuela — The minimum wage in Venezuela, which stands at 130 Bolívares (VES) or about $0.28 USD, is one of the population’s main pain points, as people have seen their incomes—and consequently their quality of life—plummet.

Acting President Delcy Rodríguez last week promised a “responsible” increase to the minimum wage by May 1 (Venezuela’s Labor Day), but didn’t elaborate on specifics. 

Latin America Reports spoke with economist Aarón Olmos from the Instituto de Estudios Superiores de Administración in Caracas who outlined some of the effects a wage increase could have in the country amid continued political uncertainty following the January 3 capture of Nicolás Maduro by U.S. forces. 

“Whatever the amount, it will be welcomed by households in Venezuela because income levels have indeed fallen sharply; they are meager, they are poor. The Bolívar’s purchasing power has been lost. A foreign currency is used as the basis for calculating prices, and that erodes purchasing power,” Olmos said. 

The professor noted that it remains unclear whether this will be a direct increase in wages or in the bonuses the government allocates to certain public employees.

Based on data released by the Central Bank of Venezuela, which indicates the country earned $18.2 billion in oil revenues, Olmos believes there is a significant foundation for funding a substantial public payroll. 

“We’re talking about nearly nine million people—roughly seven million public sector workers and two million retirees,” he said. 

But he cautions that the economic conditions should not be dependent solely on oil sales. “It is essential to recognize that Venezuela would have to diversify, that is, to generate revenue through different channels, not just oil. It has to be oil, mining, raw materials, semi-finished products, and finished goods; in other words, Venezuela would have to activate its entire productive apparatus so as not to depend solely on crude oil sales. The idea is not to depend on the volatility of the energy market but to revive the economy,” he said.

The economist noted that at the production level, some changes would also be necessary, such as revising Venezuela’s Labor Law to ensure that the wage increase works more effectively.

In the case of private companies, Olmos believes there will be adjustments to pay scales, even though this sector has always paid more than the minimum wage. 

“If you raise wages, well, you’ll see a price effect where the price-setter wants to appropriate this person’s surplus—this new income. And well, that appropriation of the surplus will affect both those who earn more and those who earn less,” he said. 

Companies will be on “high alert” he noted, acknowledging that they will have to adjust their pay scales in response to government sector wage increases. “Perhaps not in the same proportions, but clearly some tax adjustment should follow,” he added. 

Wage increases in recent years

The last minimum wage increase in Venezuela was decreed in March 2022, setting it at 130 Bolívars per month. Since then, this nominal amount has remained frozen, although the executive branch has applied adjustments to the “comprehensive minimum income” through non-wage bonuses.

For example, in May 2023, the food voucher (Cestaticket) was increased to the equivalent of $40 USD and the Economic War Bonus to $30 USD (for active workers), resulting in a minimum income of $70 USD per month indexed to the official exchange rate.

Subsequently, in January 2024, a new adjustment to these bonuses was announced to raise the comprehensive income to $100 USD, while still keeping the base salary at the same 130 Bolívars.

A year later, an increase in the total minimum income indexed to $160 USD per month was ordered for active public sector workers. 

This amount was achieved by adjusting the two non-wage benefits: the Cestaticket, which remained at the equivalent of $40 USD, and the Economic War Bonus, which was raised to $120 USD.

Featured image: Delcy Rodriguez.

Image credit: Government of Russia via Wikimedia Commons

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Caracas, Venezuela — Delcy Rodríguez, Venezuela’s acting president, has been removed from the U.S. Treasury Department’s Office of Foreign Assets Control sanctions list. 

Her name had been on the list since 2018, when as vice president, authorities identified her as one of the figures who contributed to undermining democracy in the South American country.

The decision was made nearly three months after Nicolás Maduro’s capture in an operation carried out in Caracas by U.S. military personnel.

Her removal represents another sign of rapprochement between Rodríguez and the Trump administration in their attempts to normalize relations between the two countries. Just this week, the U.S. announced it had reopened its embassy in Caracas after nearly seven years. 

In the post on X, Rodríguez applauded the action taken by Trump and said she hopes future sanctions against the country will be lifted. “This will allow for rapid economic development, investment, and an effective bilateral cooperation agenda for the benefit of our peoples. Let’s keep working for a prosperous Venezuela for all!” she said.

How did the sanctions affect Delcy Rodríguez?

Sanctions against the Chavista leader functioned as a personal blockade that paralyzed her ability to interact with the Western financial system.

Because she was included on the Specially Designated Narcotics Traffickers, also known as the Clinton List, she was prohibited from conducting any type of commercial or financial transaction with U.S. citizens or companies. 

This meant not only the freezing of any accounts or properties under U.S. jurisdiction, but also the inability to use basic services such as international credit cards or U.S.-based software platforms.

Furthermore, the sanctions affected her in the diplomatic and mobility spheres, as they barred her from entering U.S. territory and restricted her travel through other countries that have law enforcement cooperation agreements with Washington.

Sanctions are a hot-button issue among Venezuelans. 

The government claims they have been the main cause of the crisis in the country due to the restrictions they have imposed. However, many citizens and NGOs believe that even before the sanctions were imposed, the nation was already facing serious problems due to mismanagement by the authorities.

Featured image: Delcy Rodriguez.

Image credit: Government of Russia via Wikimedia Commons

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Caracas, Venezuela — The United States resumed operations at its embassy in Venezuela on Monday after it had been shuttered for seven years. 

The announcement follows weeks of rapid rapprochement between the administration of President Donald Trump and the interim government of Delcy Rodríguez, who took power following the U.S. military capture of Nicolás Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, on January 3.

The U.S. State Department confirmed the move in a statement noting that the resumption of activities marks “a new chapter” in the U.S. diplomatic presence in the country.

“The resumption of operations at U.S. Embassy Caracas is a key milestone in implementing the President’s three‑phase plan for Venezuela and will strengthen our ability to engage directly with Venezuela’s interim government, civil society, and the private sector,” a statement read. 

Relations between Washington and Caracas had been suspended since January 2019, when Maduro accused the U.S. government (during Trump’s first presidential term) of “interventionism” for recognizing congressman Juan Guaidó as Venezuela’s interim president.

In early March, both administrations formalized the restoration of diplomatic ties.

The diplomatic mission is led by Chargé d’Affaires Laura Dogu, who arrived in Venezuela in January to lead the process. According to the State Department, her team is currently working on restoring the embassy to allow for the full return of staff “as soon as possible” and the resumption of consular services.

In a video message shared on social media, Dogu, said in Spanish, “we’re starting a new chapter in our bilateral relations.” 

According to the embassy, the team in Caracas will restore basic diplomatic functions, such as engaging with political actors, civil society, and the private sector, as well as fostering ties between business leaders from both countries.

“We’re just getting started, and there is a lot to do while continuing to execute the three-step plan by the Trump administration,” Dogu said, referring to a plan outlined by the administration in January including “stabilization,” “recovery” and “transition.”

Secretary of State Marco Rubio recently stated that the country has already entered the second phase.

For their part, embassy officials emphasized that the return to Caracas will allow for expanded engagement with various sectors of the country, as well as the creation of employment opportunities within the diplomatic mission.

The reopening comes just days after a delegation, led by Félix Plasencia, Venezuela’s chargé d’affaires, traveled to Washington to meet with U.S. officials and take control of the Venezuelan diplomatic mission in that country, which had remained under the custody of the State Department since 2023.

During the years of diplomatic rupture, U.S. diplomatic activity regarding Venezuela was conducted through an office based at the U.S. Embassy in Bogotá, Colombia.

Featured image: Screenshot of Chargé d’Affaires Laura Dogu announcing the reopening of the U.S. embassy in Caracas on social media.

Image credit: Embajada de los EE.UU. en Caracas via X.

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Caracas, Venezuela — The cabinet of Venezuela’s interim president, Delcy Rodríguez, has seen some shake ups in recent days, with the appointments of a handful of new ministers in an apparent attempt to consolidate power just months after her predecessor, Nicolás Maduro, was captured by the United States. 

The reshuffling of officials in the ministries of Defense, Transportation, Housing, Culture, Electric Power, and Higher Education is a move by Rodríguez to buy time and remain in power longer, according to Benigno Alarcón, founder of the Center for Political and Government Studies at Andrés Bello Catholic University in Caracas. 

“I believe that what Delcy Rodríguez is trying to do is a political reshuffle within the government, aiming to stay in power as long as possible so that when an election is held, it will be one that she can control to some extent,” he told Latin America Reports. 

Alarcón believes that the roadmap proposed by the Trump administration after its January 3 attacks has not yet entered its most critical phase — a political transition — precisely because of resistance from diehards in the Chavismo movement. 

“We are seeing that the political deadlock continues, so we cannot say we are facing a transition at this moment. It is important to remember that [U.S. Secretary of State] Marco Rubio’s plan outlined a three-phase strategy, with the third phase being the transition. Well, clearly we haven’t entered that phase yet, and clearly Delcy Rodríguez is trying to prevent us from entering it,” he commented.

Ministerial changes lacking in scope

The recent appointments do not send a clear signal that a democratic reinstitutionalization is actually taking place in the country, according to the professor, since those who have been named ministers so far are part of the Chavista inner circle.

“What they’re basically doing is placing people whose merits, let’s say, are essentially their closeness to and the trust of those in power, right? In other words, in that sense, nothing has changed; everything remains more or less the same,” he stated.

Alarcón explained that there is a “recycling” of Chavista figures. “Some people from a faction within Chavismo are leaving, and others are coming in — let’s say because in the past they were either marginalized, overlooked, or had their chance and then were left out, and now they’re coming back,” he added.

Recycling Chavismo 

The new ministers appointed by Rodríguez are: 

• Gustavo González López as Minister of Defense; 
• Jorge Márquez Monsalve as Minster of Housing; 
• The engineer Rolando Alcalá as the Minister Energy and Electricity;
• Jacqueline Faría as Transport Minister; 
• Magistrate Carlos Alexis Castillo as the Minister of Social Process of Labor; 
• Editor Raúl Cazal as Culture Minister;
• Professor Ana María Sanjuán as Minister of University Education, Science and Technology.

A clear example of Alarcón’s so-called Chavista recycling is Gustavo González López, who now heads the Ministry of Defense, replacing Vladimir Padrino López — a key figure in Maduro’s government who held that position for over 10 years, making him the longest-serving minister in in that ministry’s history. 

Before joining the Ministry of Defense, González López was appointed in January 2026 by Rodríguez to lead the direct security of the presidency and military counterintelligence.

Additionally, in late 2024, he played a key role in the oil industry as Director of Strategic Affairs and Production Control.

The military officer is also known for having led the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (SEBIN) for two terms (2014–2018 and 2019–2024). Under his command, the agency centralized much of the internal political control.

“I believe that what Maduro did at the time was to place, so to speak, the military component in the hands of a general he trusted, Vladimir Padrino López, and leave the military to him, making him a bridge between the civilian political sector and the military sector. Well, at this point, the bridge was changed, so to speak. So now you have González López as Delcy’s right-hand man, because he worked with her in the past, first as director of SEBIN,” Alarcón said. 

The reconfiguration of Rodríguez’s cabinet seems to respond more, according to Alarcón, to a strategy of internal protection than to a democratic opening. 

While the names in the portfolios are being recycled and the bridges with the military sector are being reinforced with figures of extreme trust, the true transition proposed by the international community remains in limbo.

Featured image: Delcy Rodríguez at a recent naval ceremony.

Image credit: Vice Presidency of Venezuela

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Caracas, Venezuela — Venezuela’s 3-2 victory over the United States in Tuesday’s World Baseball Classic final has provided a welcome respite for Venezuelans, who have been mired in a severe political, social, and economic crisis for years and have found a moment of joy and pride in winning the world title. 

Having not collectively experienced a festive atmosphere for a long time, citizens took to the streets on the night of March 17 to celebrate this major achievement in their sporting history.

According to experts consulted by Latin American Reports, Venezuela’s victory in one of the world’s most important baseball events represents the most significant milestone in the country’s sporting history, without downplaying all the feats achieved in the past.

Sports journalist Julio Sorondo believes it is an unparalleled achievement with significant implications. “It’s a title that eluded us for a very long time, and winning it gives the sense that we’ve reached the pinnacle of Venezuelan sports,” he told Latin America Reports. 

For his part, his colleague Alfredo Di Cesare believes this achievement marks a turning point in sports, as it secured unqualified glory and confirmed that Venezuela is a baseball powerhouse, joining the tournament’s roster of champions: Japan, with three titles; the Dominican Republic and the United States, with one each.

Experts feel that this title will bring great benefits to the sports sector, especially in terms of mindset. “Sports in Venezuela are facing many problems due to a lack of investment, corruption, and the socioeconomic crisis that is hitting families and spilling over into sports. However, the greatest gift from the feat achieved at LoanDepot Park is the mindset,” said Di Cesare, referring to the ballpark in Miami where the championship game was held. 

In this regard, he added, “Every young person who plays a sport saw yesterday that the favorite doesn’t always win. That stars are men who make mistakes, fail, and can strike out three times, just like New York Yankees star Aaron Judge.

“So the greatest legacy this victory will leave for posterity is that the ‘Cinderella’ label should never weigh them down again.”

Sorondo said he feels that baseball, one of the great passions of Venezuelans, will receive a significant boost following the win. “Venezuela not only won the World Baseball Classic yesterday, but also qualified for the next Olympic Games, which will be held in 2028. So, well, over the next five years or the next decade, there’s going to be a lot of talk about baseball. This means that, well, brands will surely also use this sport to target that audience, to promote their products,” he said. 

These contributions could also lead to Major League Baseball games or World Baseball Classic matches in Venezuelan stadiums and, above all, cement the passion for this sport in the DNA of the population.

In their analysis of the significance of this achievement, journalists agreed that it serves as a great escape for those who want to step away for a moment from the political and social turmoil the nation is facing.

“When we apply this to the World Baseball Classic, we feel represented by a victorious Venezuela; it’s quite positive, even on a psychological level, to be able to celebrate victories after having gone through such tense times. What we experienced yesterday in the streets of Venezuela was a collective release filled with positivity and joy—something we hadn’t felt in a long time,” said Sorondo, highlighting the irony that the tournament final was against the United States, the country responsible for ousting Nicolás Maduro on January 3.

Di Cesare believes this achievement represents the country’s unity, but also a sense of liberation. 

“Venezuela’s first title in the World Baseball Classic is a vindication of destiny; a pat on the back for a people who have spent decades loving, suffering, and waiting for something good. 2026 is turning out to be a year with more good news than bad for Venezuela,” he commented.

Featured image credit: @AlbertCardozoAG via X.

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Caracas, Venezuela — María Corina Machado, Venezuela’s opposition leader, says she will return to the country after leaving last December to attend the 2025 Nobel Peace Prize ceremony in Oslo, Norway. 

Machado, who vocally supported U.S. military attacks on Venezuela ahead of the January 3 operation that captured President Nicolás Maduro, has since been sidelined by the Trump administration who lent its support to Maduro’s Vice President Delcy Rodríguez.

With Machado’s return to Venezuela increasingly more likely, her supporters are anxious as to what role — if any — she’ll play in the political transition of the country. 

Machado was in hiding inside Venezuela for nearly a year before being spirited away on go-fast boats on a December night with the aid of a non-profit staffed by former U.S. military members. 

Analysts who spoke to Latin America Reports said that if she returns and no attempts are made on her life, it could be a clear sign from the Rodríguez government that they are willing to open up political participation in the country. 

Alejandro Armas Díaz, a journalist and political researcher, believes that if Machado’s possible return goes smoothly, it will be a giant step forward for the country. 

“We are talking about the leader of the majority opposition. On the other hand, if she returns but suffers any reprisals, it would be an equally big setback,” he told Latin America Reports. 

Historian and political analyst Alejandra Martínez Cánchica, director for Latin America at the Freedom and Development Foundation, agrees. She believes that Machado’s return is a litmus test to show whether Venezuela is truly in a process of transition.

She told Latin America Reports that the politician’s safe return would be “the definitive proof that Venezuela is indeed on a path towards a democratic transition.”

U.S. pressure, said Armas, could also force the Venezuelan government to create the right conditions for her return. 

“In Venezuela, we have seen changes that until recently were unthinkable. The source of these changes is pressure from the United States,” Armas said. “Will Washington push for Machado to be able to return without any problems? We don’t know. It may not. It may consider that it is better to leave it for later, when the country is more stable.” 

The U.S. has formulated a three-stage plan for Venezuela, with stabilisation and economic recovery coming before political transition. 

“Given that Machado has suggested that her return is imminent, we will know sooner rather than later whether she [Machado] will actually do so. I find it hard to believe that she will do so without certain guarantees,” Armas added. “If she does not, it could cause some disappointment among her supporters, for announcing something she could not do.”

Martínez sees this as an ideal moment for the opposition leader’s return. 

“Since at least mid or late January of this year, we have been seeing political leaders and activists in Venezuela take to the streets to engage in politics. Many were in hiding, many were imprisoned, and they are now protected under the Amnesty Law,” she said, referring to a law that frees political prisoners, but has also been criticized as exclusionary. 

Read more: Families of military members criticize Venezuela’s new amnesty law as exclusionary  

María Corina Machado’s leadership would be strengthened

Experts agree that one inevitable effect if Machado returned would be an even greater appreciation from her base.

Martínez said that María Corina “still has the majority preference among the population and also continues to have the highest voting intention … So, the fact that she can come to Venezuela to engage in politics on the ground will undoubtedly reconfigure the balance of power and the Venezuelan political map.”

The analyst cited a poll from Gold Glove Consulting, which estimates that the Venezuelan opposition leader has a mathematical advantage of 67% over interim President Rodríguez, should elections be held in the coming months.

She also said that Machado’s return could help her recapture her political base which helped her win 92% of votes during the 2023 primaries and — after he was sidelined by Maduro — helped propel her candidate, Edmundo González, to win disputed 2024 elections, according to voter tallies published by the opposition. 

“In January-February 2023, the political landscape in Venezuela, at least on the opposition side, was completely deserted. There was great demoralization, people were demobilized. And yet, from the beginning of 2023, María Corina fuelled a movement within Venezuelan society that by July 2024, a year and a half later, was an unstoppable force,” Martínez added. 

Returning from exile too, could help shore up her image among voters, said Armas. 

“Many people are left with the impression that [those in exile] have comfortable lives while the masses in Venezuela continue to suffer. This is not necessarily the case in reality, but that is the impression that, I repeat, remains. So it is in Machado’s best interest to return to the country as soon as possible. Whether she can do so is another matter,” he said.

Featured image: María Corina Machado and former presidential candidate Edmundo González in 2024.

Image credit: Edmundo González Via X.

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