You do a lot with your savings account over the course of a month. From bill payments, fund transfers, investments, to building your account balance, you explore various functions with regular transactions. It helps to get an overview of all the debits and credits to help you keep track of your finances. This is where a bank statement becomes relevant. It is a detailed record of your financial activity. Learn how to read it for proper financial planning in this blog.

What is a savings account statement? 

A savings account statement is a periodic summary of your banking activity over a specific time frame. It includes details of every deposit, withdrawal, transfer, and payment made in a single place. This gives you a clear view of the cash flow and the actions leading up to your current account balance.

You see your opening and closing account balances, giving you a snapshot of how you started and where you currently stand. You also get details on the interest credits made to your account. You can estimate the same using a savings account calculator.

Key components of a bank statement 

The main aspects covered in a bank statement can be broadly broken down into these components:

• Account information

This section is typically the first thing you’ll see. It highlights your name, address, account number, bank name, branch details, etc.

• Statement period

The timeframe covered appears at the top. It shows the start and end dates for each of the listed financial activities.

• Balance summary

This is an overview of how money moves in and out of your account. You see the opening balance, deposits (credits) or withdrawals/deductions (debits), and the closing balance.  

• Transaction details

Each entry includes the date of the transaction, a short description to identify the activity, debit/credit amounts, fees, interest, and the balance after each transaction.

• Fees and interest

Interest earned and fees applied are also listed. You can cross-check the earnings as estimated against the interest rate with a savings account interest calculator.

How to read your bank statement 

Having understood the main aspects covered in a bank statement, you can put it all together easily. Here’s how you can proceed to decode the essentials:

• Check your account details and statement period to review transactions within the specific timeline you prefer.

• Scan the account balance to get a sense of where you stand with your finances.

• Go through each entry carefully to match it to your spending pattern and receipt record.

• Review any fees levied and interest credited.

• If something looks unfamiliar, double-check against your activity and report it immediately.

Steps to get a bank statement 

Many banks send periodic statements to your registered email if you’ve opted in, or you can update your physical passbook. Another convenient option to get your bank statement is online.

1. Log in to your bank account: Use your bank’s net banking portal or mobile app to access your account.

2. Navigate the statement section: Look for the ‘Account Statement’ or ‘Download Statement’ option under the menu.

3. Select the account and time period: Choose the savings account you need the statement for and specify the date range you need.

4. Generate and download: Confirm your request to view, download, or get the bank statement in your email inbox.

You can do this as many times as you like for different periods. You can get a mini-overview or a detailed statement for a thorough evaluation of your banking activity.

Final words 

It’s easy to understand your bank statement once you understand the main components. Look at how it is structured and review all the details to get a complete overview of your transactions. Developing this habit of reading your bank statement is good for planning your finances effectively. It is also a safety measure to spot suspicious account activity in time. Also, the various ways to get your bank statement add to the flexibility.

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No adult living in India today, with a constitutionally guaranteed right to vote, will ever forget the SIR. Not even the legions of India’s unlettered, who won’t even know what those dreaded letters stand for.

The state of West Bengal had its tryst with the process over the past six months, after Bihar had seen it first. In Phase 2 of the SIR that got under way on 4 November 2025, the Election Commission of India (ECI) lavished special attention on Bengal, though it was only one of 12 states and Union Territories covered in this round.

The people of Bengal had seen it coming even before the process started here, when lakhs of deleted voters in Bihar were scrambling desperately to get back onto the electoral rolls. And now, a full six months after the grind started here, they are finally awaiting the results on 4 May.

Irrespective of which way they lean, neither the voters nor the pundits nor even pollsters of any integrity are sure how thoroughly gamed this supposedly ‘free and fair’ process is. Has the ECI done enough to swing it for its political masters?

“If the BJP finally wins West Bengal,” a state this Hindi heartland party has long coveted, “it’ll be because of the SIR,” reflected a veteran of many earlier poll battles, preferring not to be named. “But if it loses again, even after all it has done, it’ll be because of the SIR.”

This apparent paradox isn’t really. If you discount the SIR for just a moment and think only of the palpable mood of the electorate of this state, its people and the BJP are not really ready for each other.

Not even after 15 years of Mamata Banerjee and all the talk about the need for poriborton (change). Poriborton may yet come — if not organically through a popular mandate, then via the BJP’s joint venture with the ECI. But if it doesn’t, the seething anger of voters with the ECI will have played a big hand.

****

For a while it looked like the ECI was still trying to keep the real agenda under wraps, its attempt to re-engineer the electorate to the BJP’s advantage. The BJP has made no secret of its support for the exercise, and a fair-minded outsider might wonder why it’s only the Opposition that worries about largescale exclusions.

Union minister Shantanu Thakur, a prominent Matua leader of the BJP, representing the party from the state’s Bongaon Lok Sabha constituency, said it was preferable to sacrifice 20,000 Hindus to weed out 200,000 Rohingyas. But of the 58.2 lakh ASDD (Absent/Shifted/Dead/Duplicate) deletions in the draft list of December 2025, not one was Rohingya or Bangladeshi.

Soon after, the ECI deployed a mysterious software that flagged 1.3 crore voters for ‘logical discrepancy’ — a newly minted category of provisional deletions — and asked them to produce documents at in-person hearings.

Migrant workers, men, women, the elderly and the ailing queued up to produce the documents they could muster. No receipts were given, no evidence provided that they had been ‘heard’, pointed out Sahidul Munshi, retired justice of the Calcutta High Court, who found his name had been dropped. Following an interview published in Bar & Bench, his name was quickly restored but others were not so lucky.

From the pre-SIR baseline of 7.66 crore voters, the number was down to 7.08 crore (after ~58 lakh deletions) in the draft list of December 2025. The ‘final list’ of 28 February had 7.04 crore names, with ~60 lakh now placed ‘under adjudication’.

Post-adjudication by judicial officers, engaged to do the ECI’s job at the direction of the Supreme Court, 32 lakh names were cleared, which still left 27 lakh voters disenfranchised, who were now advised to approach 19 single-member appellate tribunals, made up of retired chief justices and judges of the Calcutta High Court.

By 23 April (Phase 1 voting day for 152 Assembly constituencies), a total of 138 appeals had been heard and 136 cleared for inclusion; by Phase 2 (on 29 April for 142 constituencies), another 1,474 appeals had been processed and 1,468 names revalidated. At this rate of disposal, the tribunals would have taken 10-12 years to hear the rest of the appeals!

At the end of Bengal’s SIR nightmare, the state’s count of eligible voters for this election was ~90 lakh short of its pre-SIR baseline of 7.66 crore!

No wonder the senior BJP leader who spoke on condition of anonymity felt the anger of the people might singe the party, but he also admitted he didn’t have the courage to warn the party’s big guns from Delhi of the potential backlash.

In West Bengal, he explained, the SIR had completely overshadowed anti-incumbency. All the pre-SIR talking points — corruption, jobs, lack of industries, recruitment scams — had disappeared from the electoral discourse.

Muslims rallied behind the ruling Trinamool Congress, convinced that the SIR was a diabolical plot to strip them of citizenship. Even the Matuas — Scheduled Caste Hindus from Bangladesh, many of whom found their names deleted — felt betrayed by the BJP. Migrant workers were incensed by the harassment and financial loss in travelling back and forth.

****

The voter turnout was a record 92.4 per cent and both the TMC and BJP were outwardly confident this was a sign of a mandate in their favour. The BJP would have us believe the political wind is blowing towards ‘poriborton’, the TMC insists the same wind is blowing for ‘pratyaborton’ — the return of 71-year-old Mamata Banerjee as chief minister for a fourth term.

Before returning to Delhi, Union home minister Amit Shah exuded confidence that the BJP would get an absolute majority, even quoting a number — 177 — that sounded suspiciously omniscient. But, then, he had also predicted a 200+ majority for the BJP in 2021!

If indeed the BJP’s brag about the popular mood is right, what was the unprecedented security bandobast in the run-up to elections about? The deployment of 2.8 lakh CAPF troops looked like an invasion rather than an election. (For context, Manipur had 29,000 CAPF troops on ground at the peak of the 2023 ethnic violence.)

Why was the NIA (National Investigating Agency), normally tasked with counter-terrorism duties, strutting around polling booths? Why were Central troops threatening Kolkata mayor Firhad Hakim in Bhabanipur (Mamata Banerjee’s constituency) at 1 a.m. on polling day? “Aap mayor saab ho na? Agar kuchh hua, toh aap ke liye achha nahi hoga (you’re the mayor, right? If anything [untoward] happens, you’ll be in trouble.)"

****

A post-election wisecrack summed up the mood thus: “This is an election the BJP will lose even if it wins. It won’t savour confronting Mamata Banerjee even in Opposition.” Wisecracks aside, if she loses, Mamata Banerjee will certainly be seen as a martyr, defeated unfairly by an unscrupulous rival with the help of the official machinery and a compromised Election Commission.

Most exit polls have predicted a close race, some have forecast a BJP majority, some others a clear return mandate for TMC. Historically, the verdict in West Bengal has been one-sided, with the winning party securing over 200 of the 294 seats in the assembly. In the past three elections (2011, 2016, 2021) , the TMC won 226, 211 and 215 seats, respectively. The Left Front fell four short of the 200-mark in 1996 but made up in the next election by taking its tally to 235. We’ll see if this trend persists.

Five years ago, pollsters People’s Pulse and Axis-My India had predicted the BJP would win 173-192 seats, comfortably ahead of the majority mark of 148. (The BJP won 77.) This time, Axis-My India refrained from projecting a number, claiming that 70 per cent of voters preferred not to divulge who they had voted for. People’s Pulse has predicted 95-110 seats for the BJP, and sees the TMC coasting to victory with 177-187 seats.

We wouldn’t wager any money on these predictions, though exit polls do create a flutter in the stock market and the satta bazaar, and those with an appetite for risk do make a quick crore or few. For other people who have a taste for political theatre but are less invested in the outcome, exit polls are excellent entertainment, certainly worth the price of a PVR movie ticket!

With inputs from Kunal Chatterjee

The automotive market today is defined by a clear transition. On one side are established internal combustion engine (ICE) SUVs like the Kia Seltos—refined, familiar, and widely trusted. On the other hand, are next-generation electric SUVs like the Mahindra XEV 9e—technology-driven, futuristic, and built for a different kind of driving experience.

For buyers, this is not just a product choice. It is a decision between what they know and what lies ahead.

The Comfort of Familiarity

ICE SUVs continue to dominate because they offer predictability.

Buyers are comfortable with:

●     Fuel availability across the country

●     Established service networks

●     Known maintenance patterns

The Kia Seltos represents this familiarity well. It offers multiple engine options—petrol and diesel—along with refined driving dynamics designed for both city and highway use.

This makes it a dependable choice for buyers who prioritise ease of ownership and minimal uncertainty.

The Appeal of the Future

In contrast, EVs represent a shift in thinking.

The Mahindra XEV 9e is designed not just as a car, but as a technology-led experience. Built on a dedicated electric architecture, it integrates advanced components such as high-performance batteries, intelligent suspension systems, and software-driven features.

This appeals to buyers who are open to change and want to adopt future-ready mobility solutions.

Performance: Different Approaches

Both ICE and EV SUVs offer strong performance—but in very different ways.

ICE vehicles like the Seltos provide:

●     Gradual power delivery

●     Gear-based driving feel

●     Multiple engine choices for varied needs

EVs like the XEV 9e, on the other hand, offer:

●     Instant torque

●     Faster acceleration (0–100 km/h in under 7 seconds in ideal conditions)

●     Smooth, silent driving

These differences often influence buyer preference based on driving style.

Technology as a Deciding Factor

Modern buyers increasingly value technology, and EVs often stand out in this regard.

The XEV 9e features a triple-screen digital cockpit and an advanced computing architecture that seamlessly handles real-time data and multiple functions. It also integrates AI-driven systems and over-the-air (OTA) updates, making the vehicle more adaptable over time.

While ICE SUVs like the Seltos also offer connected features and advanced driver assistance systems (ADAS), the overall experience is more evolutionary than transformative.

Ownership Considerations

Ownership plays a crucial role in decision-making.

ICE SUVs:

●     Lower upfront cost

●     Faster refuelling

●     Widespread infrastructure

EV SUVs:

●     Higher initial investment

●     Lower running cost

●     Dependence on charging infrastructure

For many buyers, this becomes a trade-off between short-term convenience and long-term efficiency.

Range and Practicality

Range is often a key concern for EV buyers.

The XEV 9e offers a claimed range of up to 656 km under standard test conditions, with over 500 km of real-world urban usability. While this reduces range anxiety, charging infrastructure and time still influence decisions.

ICE vehicles, meanwhile, offer:

●     Quick refuelling

●     No dependency on charging networks

This makes them more flexible for long-distance and unpredictable usage.

Space and Comfort Evolution

Another interesting shift is in how vehicles are designed.

The XEV 9e focuses heavily on space and experience, offering features like a large cabin, frunk storage, and a tech-focused interior layout.

The Seltos, while premium, follows a more traditional SUV layout—balancing comfort, practicality, and familiarity.

This reflects a broader shift from function-first design to experience-first design in EVs.

Risk vs Readiness

At its core, the decision often comes down to mindset.

●     ICE SUVs feel safe, proven, and easy to live with

●     EV SUVs feel innovative, future-ready, but slightly uncertain

Some buyers prefer to wait until EV infrastructure matures further, while others are willing to adopt early and benefit from new technology.

Role of Digital Platforms in Decision-Making

With so many variables involved, choosing between ICE and EV SUVs can be complex.

Online car-buying platforms like ACKO Drive help buyers compare features, understand ownership costs, and evaluate how different vehicles fit their lifestyle. This enables more informed and confident decision-making.

Final Thoughts

The choice between ICE and EV SUVs is not about one replacing the other overnight—it is about transition.

Vehicles like the Kia Seltos represent reliability, familiarity, and proven usability. Meanwhile, models like the Mahindra XEV 9e highlight the possibilities of a technology-driven future.

For buyers, the decision ultimately depends on their comfort with change. Some will continue to rely on what they know, while others will move towards what comes next.

Both paths are valid—because in today’s market, familiarity and the future are coexisting, not competing.

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In today’s fast-paced stock market environment, investors are constantly seeking ways to maximize returns while optimizing their capital. One such powerful tool is the margin trading facility, which allows traders to take larger positions in the market using borrowed funds. While this can amplify profits, it also increases risk, making proper planning essential.

This is where tools like a MTF calculator (often referred to as an MTF calculator) become highly valuable. They help traders estimate costs, risks, and potential returns before placing leveraged trades.

In this article, we’ll break down how margin trading works, its benefits and risks, and how calculators can help you make smarter trading decisions.

What is Margin Trading Facility?

Margin trading facility or MTF is a brokerage service that enables investors to purchase stock by making a fraction of the overall trade value. The balance is financed by the broker.

Simple Example:

●       Total stock purchase: ₹1,00,000

●       Your contribution: ₹30,000

●       Broker funds: ₹70,000

This implies that you have the ability to manage a bigger investment using small funds.

How Does Margin Trading Facility Work?

In MTF, the broker provides leverage against eligible stocks. Here’s how it works:

●       You pick a qualified stock that is eligible to be listed in MTF.

●       You make the necessary margin (percentage of total value).

●       The rest is financed by the broker.

●       Collateral is in the form of shares.

●       You pay interest on what you borrow.

●       The position may last several days, as opposed to intraday trades.

Key Features of Margin Trading

In order to comprehend margin trading facility, you must know the following components:

●       Margin Requirement - The amount you have to provide as your own money.

●       Leverage - The funds which are multiplied by the broker.

●       Interest Rate - Interest charged on the amount borrowed (Normally 8-18 percent a year in India).

●       Maintenance Margin - Minimal balance to maintain the position.

What is a MTF Calculator?

A MTF calculator is a device that aids traders in estimating the financial effect of margin trading.

It calculates:

●       Total trade value

●       Margin required

●       Borrowed amount

●       Interest cost

●       Possible profit or loss.

This enables traders to strategize trades before trading as opposed to guessing.

The Importance of Calculators in Margin trading

Calculator is a must when leverage is involved.

1. Accurate Cost Estimation: The cost of interest may be a major determinant of profitability.

2. Risk Assessment: You are able to assess the extent you will lose in case the market goes against you.

3. Position Sizing: The amount of capital to be allocated is determined by helps.

4. Scenario Planning: You are able to practice various price movements prior to making trades.

Understanding Interest Calculation in MTF

Interest is one of the most important costs in margin trading. It is calculated based on the borrowed amount and holding period.

Here’s the standard formula:

Interest=P×R×T/365T​

Where:

P = Borrowed amount

R = Annual interest rate.

T = Number of days

Example on an MTF Calculator.

To illustrate the operation of a MTF calculator, we will see how it works in practice:

●       Total trade value: ₹1,00,000

●       Margin paid: ₹25,000

●       Borrowed amount: ₹75,000

●       Interest rate: 12 per cent/year.

●       Holding period: 30 days

●       Interest Cost: ≈ ₹739

This expenditure has to be subtracted off your profits.

Advantages of Margin Trading Facility

●       Greater Buying Power: You are able to make larger positions on small amounts of capital.

●       Increased Return Potential: When the market works towards your advantage, profits are increased.

●       Improved Capital Usage: You are able to make diversification in investments with leverage.

●       Flexibility: It is possible to hold positions outside of intraday trading.

Risks of Margin Trading Facility

Though the margin trading facility is advantageous, it is associated with risks:

●       Amplified Losses: The losses grow proportionate to leverage.

●       Interest Burden: Interest is paid even when your trade is not profitable.

●       Margin Calls: You will have to add money in case of a decrease in the price of stocks.

●       Forced Liquidation: Broker can sell your shares due to lack of maintenance of margin.

The Role of Calculators in Risk Management

A MTF calculator alleviates these risks by:

●       Showing break-even points

●       Estimating worst-case scenarios

●       Assistance in determining stop-loss.

●       Preventing over-leveraging

This renders your trading more disciplined and data-driven.

SEBI Rules of Margin Trading

SEBI regulates the margin trading to safeguard the investors.

Key Rules:

●       Under MTF trading, only approved stocks are allowed to be traded.

●       Interest rates should be disclosed by brokers.

●       It is necessary to maintain margin requirements.

●       Stocks are put as collaterals.

These laws make sure that everything is transparent and minimize unnecessary risk.

How to Use a MTF Calculator Effectively?

In order to maximize a MTF calculator, do the following steps:

●       Input Accurate Data: The correct values of margin, interest rate and holding period are entered.

●       Test Multiple Scenarios: Test the responses of profits and losses to price movements.

●       Add All Costs: Include interest, taxes and brokerage.

●       Set Limits: Determine maximum tolerable loss to trade.

A calculator helps you decide which approach suits your strategy.

A calculator assists you in choosing what approach is befitting to your strategy.

Common Mistakes to Avoid

In case of trading on margin:

●       Ignoring interest costs

●       Over-leveraging positions

●       Not using a calculator

●       Keeping losing trades excessively.

●       Trading without research

These are some of the errors that you can avoid to enhance your trading results.

Tips for Smart Leveraged Trading

●       Never make trades without a MTF calculator.

●       Start with low leverage

●       Select basically robust stocks.

●       Monitor positions regularly

●       Use stop-loss orders

●       Avoid emotional decisions

Who Should Use Margin trading Facility?

The margin trading facility is suitable to:

●       Experienced traders

●       Knowledgeable investors on the market.

●       Risk takers.

●       It should be used with care by beginners and only after they are aware of the risks.

The Future of MTF Tools

With advancements in technology, MTF tools are becoming more advanced:

●       Real-time calculators

●       AI-based risk analysis

●       Integrated trading dashboards

●       Automatic margin call notifications.

These instruments are also enabling leveraged trading to be more organized and effective.

Conclusion

The margin trading facility is a powerful tool that can enhance your trading potential by increasing buying power. However, it comes with higher risks and costs, especially due to leverage and interest charges.

This is where a MTF calculator becomes indispensable. It helps you estimate costs, analyze risks, and plan trades effectively. Instead of relying on assumptions, you can make informed, data-driven decisions.

In the end, successful leveraged trading is not about taking maximum risk—it’s about balancing opportunity with discipline. With the right strategy, proper calculations, and risk management, margin trading can become a valuable part of your investment approach.

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Russia will hold its annual Victory Day parade on 9 May without tanks, missile launchers or other military hardware for the first time in nearly two decades, according to the Russian Defence Ministry.

The decision marks a significant break from tradition during one of Russia’s most important national events, long used by the Kremlin to display military power and geopolitical influence.

No military hardware on Red Square

The Defence Ministry said the parade marking the 81st anniversary of the Soviet victory over Nazi Germany in World War II would proceed without the customary military equipment convoy.

The ministry cited the “current operational situation” for the move but did not elaborate further.

Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov blamed Ukraine’s “terrorist activity” for heightened security concerns, an apparent reference to Kyiv’s increasingly frequent long-range drone attacks inside Russia.

“All measures are being taken to minimise the danger,” Peskov said.

Ukraine has in recent months intensified strikes on Russian oil depots, military sites and infrastructure far from the battlefield using domestically developed long-range drones.

It will be the first time since 2008 that military vehicles and weapon systems will not roll through Red Square during the celebrations.

From 1991 to 2007, Victory Day parades in Russia largely avoided showcasing heavy military hardware such as tanks, ballistic missiles and large mechanised columns. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Russian military faced severe financial and organisational difficulties, while the Kremlin also sought to distance itself from overt Soviet-style militarism.

During these years, parades mainly featured marching troops, veterans, ceremonial units and limited flypasts. Heavy weapons formally returned to Red Square only in 2008 under Vladimir Putin, marking a symbolic revival of Russian military confidence and state power.

Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov blamed Ukraine’s “terrorist activity” for heightened security concerns, an apparent reference to Kyiv’s increasingly frequent long-range drone attacks inside Russia.

“All measures are being taken to minimise the danger,” Peskov said.

Ukraine has in recent months intensified strikes on Russian oil depots, military sites and infrastructure far from the battlefield using domestically developed long-range drones.

What the parade will include

The Defence Ministry said the parade would still feature military personnel, including cadets and servicemen from higher military educational institutions, along with the traditional military aircraft flyover over Moscow.

However, tanks, artillery systems, missile launchers and armoured vehicles will be absent.

Victory Day commemorations remain one of the most symbolically important events in modern Russian political culture. The Soviet Union suffered the single highest human cost of the Second World War. Out of the estimated 70–85 million total deaths globally, the USSR alone accounted for roughly 26–27 million deaths — around 30 to 40 per cent of all war deaths worldwide.

In military terms, Soviet forces suffered about 8.7–11 million military deaths, which constituted nearly half of all Allied military fatalities in the war. The Eastern Front — where Nazi Germany fought the USSR — was by far the deadliest theatre of World War II and accounted for the majority of German military losses as well.

Vladimir Putin has increasingly used the event during his more than 25 years in power to promote nationalism, military pride and Russia’s status as a global power.

The Kremlin has also linked the Ukraine war to historical narratives surrounding the Soviet fight against Nazi Germany.

Last year’s parade showcased wartime arsenal

The 2025 parade was one of the largest since the start of the Ukraine war and featured more than 11,500 troops and over 180 military vehicles.

It included tanks, artillery systems, armoured infantry vehicles, Yars nuclear-capable intercontinental ballistic missile launchers and military drones used in the Ukraine conflict.

High-profile foreign leaders including Xi Jinping, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva and Robert Fico attended the event.

Security fears growing in Moscow

Russian authorities have become increasingly concerned about Ukrainian drone attacks targeting Moscow and strategic infrastructure.

Last year, Russia imposed temporary restrictions on mobile internet services in the capital around Victory Day celebrations as a precaution against possible drone operations.

The 2023 parade had already been scaled down, featuring fewer troops and military equipment and no aerial flyover.

Victory Day on 9 May remains Russia’s most important secular state holiday and a major platform for projecting military power.

The decision to remove heavy military hardware from this year’s parade underscores the growing security pressure faced by Moscow as Ukraine expands its long-range strike capabilities deep inside Russian territory.

You bought the anti-dandruff shampoo, used it every day, and yet the flakes kept coming back. Sound familiar? A lot of people assume that more frequent use means faster results. But with dandruff, how often you shampoo matters just as much as what you're using. Getting the frequency wrong can either slow your progress or make things worse.

Understanding What Anti-Dandruff Shampoos Actually Do

Most anti-dandruff shampoos work by targeting a yeast called Malassezia, which lives on the scalp naturally but can overgrow and trigger flaking, itching, and irritation. The active ingredients — things like ketoconazole, zinc pyrithione, selenium sulfide, or coal tar — work to reduce this overgrowth and calm the scalp's inflammatory response.

These aren't your regular cleansing shampoos. They contain medicinal compounds that need time to work but can also cause dryness or irritation if overused. This is the core reason frequency isn't a one-size-fits-all answer.

Why Using It Every Day Can Backfire

Daily use of anti-dandruff shampoo might feel like the logical thing to do when you're dealing with heavy flaking. But the scalp needs a degree of balance to heal.

Washing every day strips natural oils, which can:

●       Dry out the scalp and cause more irritation

●       Trigger compensatory oil production, feeding the yeast further

●       Weaken the scalp's natural barrier over time

●       Lead to increased sensitivity and even more flaking

For most people, daily use isn't recommended unless a dermatologist specifically advises it for a short period. Even then, it's usually a temporary phase, not a long-term habit.

The General Frequency Guidelines Worth Knowing

There's no universal rule, but most dermatologists and hair care professionals suggest the following as a starting point:

●       Mild dandruff: Use anti-dandruff shampoo 2–3 times a week to start

●       Moderate dandruff: You may need it more frequently initially, then taper down

●       Maintenance phase: Once symptoms are controlled, once a week or even once every ten days can be enough

●       In between: Use a gentle, sulphate-free shampoo for regular washing days

The idea is to treat first, then maintain. Treating constantly without adjusting the dose keeps the scalp in a medicated state it wasn't meant to stay in indefinitely.

It's also worth understanding that some active ingredients have specific instructions. If you're using a shampoo with ketoconazole, for example, it's worth reading about ketoconazole shampoo side effects before settling into a long-term routine, especially if you notice dryness or hair texture changes.

Seasonal and Lifestyle Factors That Change the Equation

Dandruff doesn't behave the same way year-round. Humidity, sweat, stress, and diet all influence how active it is on your scalp. During winters, scalps tend to get drier and flaking can increase. During humid months, excess sweat and oil can encourage yeast growth.

If you're someone who exercises frequently, washes their hair more often, or lives in a high-pollution environment, your routine may need small adjustments. The goal is always to keep the scalp environment balanced — not too oily, not too dry, and free of irritants.

Stress is another underappreciated factor. Chronic stress disrupts the immune response and can flare up conditions like seborrheic dermatitis, which looks and feels a lot like dandruff but tends to be more stubborn.

When the Shampoo Alone Isn't Enough

If you've been consistent with an anti-dandruff shampoo for four to six weeks and haven't seen meaningful improvement, it may be a sign that dandruff is being driven by something deeper — hormonal imbalance, nutritional deficiency, gut health, or a stressed immune system.

This is where the approach needs to go beyond the scalp. Some treatment methods like traya anti dandruff shampoo are designed to work as part of a broader, root-cause system rather than as a standalone fix. Treating only the symptom without asking why it keeps returning tends to lead to the same cycle of temporary relief followed by a flare-up.

Final Thoughts

Anti-dandruff shampoo works best when used at the right frequency, not the highest one. Start with two to three times a week, pay attention to how your scalp responds, and adjust from there. If things aren't improving despite regular use, that's useful information — it means the root cause hasn't been addressed yet. The scalp, like the rest of the body, responds better to thoughtful care than aggressive treatment.

This is an advertorial. The article is published as received.

If you have ever compared the cost of borrowing against gold online versus walking into a bank branch, you probably noticed the numbers do not match. The interest rate on a digital gold loan and the one offered across the counter can differ by a full percentage point or more. That gap is not random, and it is not a marketing trick. It reflects real differences in how these two channels operate, assess risk, and manage costs.

The Cost of Running a Branch Is Baked Into the Rate

A traditional branch-based gold loan involves physical infrastructure. There is a building with rent, a staff of appraisers and clerks, a vault for storing pledged gold, insurance for that vault, and security personnel guarding it all. Every one of those costs has to be recovered somewhere, and the interest rate is where lenders recover them.

When a lender processes your loan digitally, some of those costs shrink or disappear. There is no long queue of customers to manage, no paper trail to maintain, and fewer employees involved per transaction. That operational saving can translate into a different gold loan interest rate for the borrower. Whether it translates into a lower or higher rate depends on several other factors, which is where the picture gets more complicated.

Risk Assessment Works Differently Online

In a branch, a trained appraiser physically examines your gold, tests its purity, and weighs it in front of you. The lender has direct custody of the collateral from the moment the loan is sanctioned. This hands-on process gives the lender a high degree of confidence in the collateral's value.

Digital channels have to work harder to achieve the same confidence. Some lenders require you to visit a partner location for gold appraisal before the loan is disbursed digitally. Others use doorstep appraisal services where an agent comes to your home. Each of these models carries its own cost and risk profile. If the lender is less certain about collateral quality, or if the appraisal process costs more per loan, that gets reflected in the pricing.

The speed of digital disbursement also introduces a subtle risk. When a loan is processed in minutes rather than hours, there is less time for manual checks. Lenders compensate for that compressed timeline by adjusting their pricing models.

Loan Tenure and Amount Tend to Vary by Channel

Branch loans often cater to a wider range of borrowers, including those seeking larger amounts or longer tenures. A farmer pledging gold for an agricultural loan and a small business owner borrowing for working capital might both sit in the same branch waiting room.

An instant gold loan, by contrast, is typically designed for smaller amounts with shorter repayment periods. The borrower profile skews toward someone who needs quick liquidity, perhaps to cover an unexpected medical bill or bridge a short-term cash flow gap. Because these loans are smaller and shorter, the per-unit cost of processing them is proportionally higher. Lenders offset this by adjusting the rate upward. Conversely, some digital lenders accept thinner margins on these loans to attract volume, which can push rates lower. The direction of the difference depends on the lender's strategy.

Competition Shapes Digital Pricing

The online lending space is crowded. Banks, non-banking financial companies, and fintech platforms all compete for the same digitally savvy borrower. This competition puts downward pressure on rates in the digital channel that does not always exist to the same degree in the branch network.

A borrower comparing rates online can switch lenders in minutes. A borrower who has already walked into a branch, waited in line, and started paperwork is far less likely to walk out and start over somewhere else. That difference in switching costs gives digital lenders a stronger incentive to offer competitive pricing.

However, competition does not always mean lower rates. Some digital lenders charge a premium for convenience and speed, and borrowers willingly pay it. If you need funds within the hour, you are not going to quibble over an extra half-percent.

Regulatory and Structural Factors

The Reserve Bank of India regulates gold loans regardless of the channel, but the way lenders structure their products can differ between branches and digital platforms. A branch might offer a simple interest product while the digital arm of the same institution offers a reducing balance product, or vice versa. The headline rate might look different even when the effective cost to the borrower is similar.

Loan-to-value ratios also play a role. The RBI caps the LTV for gold loans at 75 percent of the gold's value. But within that cap, a branch might lend at 70 percent LTV while the digital channel lends at 65 percent. A lower LTV means less risk for the lender, which can support a lower interest rate.

What This Means for Borrowers

The practical takeaway is straightforward: do not assume that one channel is always cheaper. Compare the effective annual rate, not just the headline number. Factor in processing fees, which can differ significantly between branch and digital loans. And pay attention to the repayment structure, because a lower rate on a flat interest calculation can end up costing more than a higher rate on a reducing balance.

The gap between branch and digital gold loan rates is real, but it is driven by economics, not arbitrariness. Understanding what creates that gap puts you in a better position to choose wisely.

This is an advertorial. The article is published as received.

India is expected to receive the fourth unit of the Russian-made S-400 Triumf surface-to-air missile defence system in early May, a move seen as a major boost to the country’s air defence preparedness following the system’s extensive deployment during Operation Sindoor.

Sources in the security establishment said the fourth unit has already been shipped from Russia and is likely to arrive within days. The fifth and final unit under the original contract is expected by November.

India signed a $5 billion deal with Russia in October 2018 for five S-400 batteries despite concerns arising from the United States over possible sanctions under the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA). US, later, bypassed CAATSA to allow India to import the state of the art air defence system considering India's strategic importance in countering China.

Crucial role during Operation Sindoor

The S-400 systems assumed critical importance during Operation Sindoor, the four-day India-Pakistan military conflict from 7 to 10 May last year that saw one of the most intense aerial confrontations between the two countries in decades.

According to defence sources, the systems formed the backbone of India’s layered air defence network and were deployed to protect major cities, strategic military installations, air bases and sensitive infrastructure from possible aerial attacks by Pakistan.

Officials said the S-400’s long-range radar and interception capabilities enabled the Indian Air Force to detect and track incoming aerial threats deep inside hostile airspace, giving commanders valuable reaction time.

The system was reportedly used to monitor Pakistani fighter aircraft movements, airborne early warning systems, drones and missile trajectories during periods of heightened escalation.

Shield against missiles, drones and aircraft

The S-400 is capable of engaging multiple aerial targets simultaneously, including fighter aircraft, drones, cruise missiles and ballistic missiles.

Defence officials said its deployment significantly complicated Pakistan’s ability to carry out deep air operations or precision strikes against Indian targets during the conflict.

The missile shield created what military planners described as a “protective umbrella” over critical sectors, forcing adversary aircraft to operate cautiously and from greater stand-off distances.

Military analysts believe the presence of the S-400 reduced the risk of successful retaliatory strikes on Indian air bases and command infrastructure after India launched Operation Sindoor in response to the Pahalgam terror attack.

The system’s advanced surveillance radars were also integrated with India’s indigenous air defence network, helping create a real-time operational picture across sectors.

Strategic deterrence value

The S-400’s value lies not only in interception capability but also in deterrence.

Its deployment during the conflict is believed to have acted as a psychological and operational constraint on Pakistan’s air force by increasing the risks associated with offensive missions.

The system can reportedly detect targets at ranges of up to 600 km and engage hostile aircraft and missiles at distances of up to 400 km, depending on the interceptor missile used.

Additional procurement cleared

Following its performance during Operation Sindoor, India last month approved procurement of an additional five S-400 units from Russia, doubling the planned inventory from five to 10 systems.

Officials said the fresh acquisition is being treated as a follow-on order to the original agreement.

Sources indicated that India does not expect major complications linked to possible US sanctions because the new purchase falls under an existing operational framework.

Russia has already trained Indian personnel in operating the system, and several squadrons are now integrated into the IAF’s operational structure.

The S-400 is regarded as Russia’s most advanced long-range air defence platform and is considered among the world’s most sophisticated missile shield systems currently in service.

S-400 considered superior to global air defence systems

Apart from its superior sibling S-500 whose specifics are beyond analytical reach, the S-400 Triumf is widely considered as the most advanced and capable air defence system in the world, with military experts often ranking it ahead of rival systems such as the US-made Patriot PAC-3 and THAAD (Terminal High Altitude Area Defense) in overall versatility and engagement range.

Unlike the Patriot system, which is primarily optimised for missile interception, the S-400 is designed to counter a much wider spectrum of threats simultaneously — including stealth aircraft, drones, cruise missiles, ballistic missiles and airborne surveillance platforms.

The system can reportedly track targets up to 600 km away and engage multiple threats at ranges of up to 400 km, giving it one of the largest operational envelopes among deployed air defence platforms globally.

While THAAD specialises in high-altitude ballistic missile interception, the S-400 is regarded as a more comprehensive battlefield air defence shield because it combines long-range surveillance, aircraft interception and missile defence in a single integrated platform.

China’s HQ-9 and several European systems are generally viewed as less capable in terms of radar sophistication, target handling and layered engagement capability.

Military analysts say the S-400’s ability to create a vast anti-access and area denial zone makes it a major strategic deterrent, often forcing hostile aircraft to operate from longer distances and under constant threat of interception.

Its performance during recent conflicts and continued global demand despite geopolitical pressure have further reinforced its reputation as one of the most formidable operational surface-to-air missile systems currently in service.

Russia’s next-gen S-500 remains out of export reach

Even as India expands its S-400 inventory, Russia’s more advanced successor system — the S-500 Prometey — remains tightly controlled and unavailable for export.

The S-500 is designed not only for intercepting aircraft and missiles but also for engaging hypersonic weapons, low-orbit satellites and advanced ballistic missile threats at significantly greater ranges and altitudes than the S-400.

Russian officials have repeatedly indicated that the S-500 is primarily intended for domestic strategic defence and protection of critical national assets, including Moscow’s missile shield network.

Unlike the S-400, which has been exported to countries such as India, China and Türkiye, the S-500 has not been offered internationally, underlining its strategic sensitivity within Russia’s military doctrine.

Police observers deployed by the Election Commission in West Bengal are courting controversy by threatening voters even as the Election Commission issued a new list of ‘trouble makers’ on Monday, 27 April with thousands of names of people associated with Trinamool Congress across 142 constituencies where polling is due on Wednesday. The ECI circulated the list seeking preventative action/detention, citing the Calcutta High Court order that had stayed its earlier advisory on ‘trouble makers’ with the rider that action could be taken if an offence is committed by the listed people.

Prime minister Modi and Union home minister Amit Shah left the state after whirlwind campaigning with the PM promising to return for the swearing-in of a BJP government and the home minister reassuring that central forces will remain in Bengal for 60 days after the polls. The home minister’s assurance, complained Trinamool Congress, is designed to assure immunity to ‘goondas’ associated with the BJP and cited the attack on Trinamool candidate Mitali Bag on Friday. Shah’s promise could also demoralise BJP’s own voters during the second phase of polling as it is seen as an admission that BJP would fail to form the government, point out observers.

Meanwhile, police observers deployed in the state, IPS officers from BJP-ruled states, are courting controversy. Trinamool Congress had earlier circulated CCTV footage of one of the observers meeting the BJP candidate in the lobby of a hotel in Diamond Harbour. At least two other IPS officers, one from UP and the other from Odisha, have been caught on camera threatening Trinamool workers, advising them to stay at home on the polling day.  

“Jahangir ki ghar wale bhi khade hai, usko bata dena kaide se — yeh baar baar jo khabar aa raha hai ke Jahangir ke log dhamka rahe hain, toh phir achchhe se khabar lenge. Phir baad mein rona aur pachtana mat” (Family members of Jahangir (Trinamool candidate) are also here; tell them straight that if complaints of his workers holding out threats persist, we will take good care of them; they should not regret their action later), says Ajay Pal Sharma, IPS and a police observer posted by the Election Commission in South 24-Pargana district, where polling is due on Wednesday.

“I have served as an Election Observer in three different Lok Sabha elections across different states. The cardinal rule drilled into us was simple: an election observer is the eyes and ears of the Election Commission — but he must keep his mouth shut,” exclaimed a retired IAS officer. Sharma, a controversial police officer from Uttar Pradesh cadre, can be seen surrounded by central para-military troops as he threatens a group of villagers including women.

All India Trinamool Congress went on an overdrive, warning ‘Observers’ to do their duty within the bounds of law.  The party posted on social media that “Yogi Adityanath’s encounter specialist Ajay Pal Sharma is the same man whose badge of honour is a body count from “encounters” and whose real speciality is turning the police uniform into a personal ATM and a tool for personal vendettas”. An SIT, the post claimed, recommended a vigilance probe against Sharma who was booked for criminal breach of trust, criminal conspiracy, and causing the disappearance of evidence.

In a separate post, Trinamool Congress MP Mahua Moitra addressed another IPS officer, Battula Gangadhar of the Odisha cadre posted as observer in Nadia district. “This is not Boudh in Odisha where you can beat up your juniors. Stop forcing police to threaten our workers & ask them to remain indoors. It’s illegal. You will face the music, Moitra posted on X.

A Trinamool Congress spokesperson said in a statement, “During the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, the Election Commission deployed 3.4 lakh Central Force personnel, roughly 3,400 companies, across 543 constituencies nationwide. Yet in Bengal alone, for this election, they have deployed 2,400 companies, 2.4 lakh Central Force personnel, along with 95 Police Observers. They are conducting midnight raids, barging into the homes of ordinary citizens and Trinamool Congress workers in the dead of night, terrorising families, intimidating voters, outraging the modesty of women in the absence of their husbands, and not even sparing children”.

Will the Election Commission allow the same liberty to ‘Observers’ when Uttar Pradesh goes to polls in 2027, they asked. Will IPS officers from West Bengal be allowed to threaten Bajrang Dal and RSS workers in Uttar Pradesh, they wondered. And will the deployment of central forces be as extensive there?

The appointment of economist and West Bengal BJP MLA Dr Ashok Lahiri as vice-chairman and immunologist Dr Gobardhan Das as a full-time member of NITI Aayog has been hailed as a much-needed confidence-building measure during the ongoing West Bengal Assembly elections.

The hope probably is that the twin appointments will contain the damage caused by Union home minister Amit Shah in describing Kolkata as a "city of slums" and Prime Minister Narendra Modi himself disparaging Jadavpur University in no uncertain terms. The statements were seen to have hurt ‘Bengali pride’ and caused worry in BJP ranks about the effect they might have on the voting pattern in phase two of the elections on 29 April.

The appointments, announced on Saturday, 25 April, are hence intended as damage control. Lahiri, a Brahmin and ‘nationalist’, was former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s choice as chief economic advisor in 2002, continuing in office under Dr Manmohan Singh until 2007. He has been an MLA since 2021 but was denied a ticket to contest in 2026. While he is said to have been a victim of internal squabbles, most observers were taken by surprise because they expected the BJP to project him as the party’s chief ministerial face.

In a video statement released in Bengali, Dr Lahiri saido he is honoured to have been appointed the vice-chairman and added that it was an honour for Bengal and a recognition of its rich tradition of higher education and producing globally acclaimed economists. He cautiously praised the prime minister’s initiative in promoting backward districts as ‘aspirational districts’ and using data to monitor the progress in these districts.

Referring to the PM’s goal of ‘Viksit Bharat’ and ‘Samruddh Bharat’ by 2047, he says in the statement that a lot of work will be needed to achieve the goal. Significantly, the statement was issued on BJP’s IT cell chief Amit Malviya and the party’s own social media pages, but not by Lahiri’s personal social media account.

Lahiri called on the prime minister in New Delhi on Saturday after assuming office. The PM also released a photograph of the two of them and stated, 'Met Shri Ashok Kumar Lahiri Ji and conveyed my best wishes on his being appointed as the Vice Chairman of NITI Aayog. His rich experience in economics and public policy will greatly strengthen India’s reform journey and the journey towards becoming a Viksit Bharat. I am confident his efforts will further energise policymaking in our nation. My best wishes for a fruitful tenure.'

Lahiri has also held positions at Delhi School of Economics, Asian Development Bank, Bandhan Bank, and National Institute of Public Finance and Policy. His international experience includes stints with the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. An alumnus of Presidency College (now University), Kolkata and with a career spanning over four decades, he is regarded as one of India's senior economists.

A sharp critic of the West Bengal government’s economic and fiscal policies, he questioned the pre-poll promises made by the Trinamool Congress. In an op-ed piece in Ananda Bazar Patrika earlier this month, he asked from where the money would come for welfare schemes, but refrained from addressing the same concerns about the BJP’s poll promises.

There are sceptics who wonder if the economist will last long if the BJP fails to win in Bengal. Conversely, there are BJP insiders who are convinced that he will be installed as the chief minister in case the BJP wins, recalling Shah’s statement that the BJP’s chief minister would be a son of the soil educated in 'Bengali medium'.

There are also analysts who question if the government seriously expects Lahiri to change the functioning of the NITI Aayog. The experiment of doing away with the Planning Commission, say these critics, has not worked and there is little that the new team under Lahiri can do to reverse NITI Aayog’s disappointing performance so far. 

It’s a war in Bengal. Between Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress, which has had an unbroken run of three terms or 15 years in the state, and the united might of the BJP, her Goliath-esque primary adversary, and all the Central agencies it can summon at the flick of a finger.

Even the Election Commission of India (ECI), the administrator and supposedly unquestionable arbiter of ‘free and fair’ elections in the country has outdone itself in Bengal, its exploits here going far beyond the Special Intensive Revision (SIR) of voter rolls that has sent citizen-voters scrambling all over the country and targeted communities fearing worse.

At the time of going to press, the first phase of polling was over in West Bengal and the second phase was due (on 29 April). Union home minister Amit Shah is camping in Kolkata, reportedly until campaigning for phase 2 comes to an end on 27 April.

Playing the role of the BJP’s key strategist and on-ground overseer, he is also waving his stick with characteristic panache. At one of the rallies before the phase 1 voting, he declared “the EC has deployed CAPF (Central Armed Police Forces). If Mamata Banerjee’s goons try to disturb the poll process, I will ensure they are hanged upside down after 4 May”.

The security bandobast is unprecedented. The CAPF deployment includes troops from the CRPF, BSF, CISF, ITBP, SSB, NSG and Assam Rifles, which has put a spring in the stride of BJP workers, and by the same token curbed the exuberance of TMC workers.

Even so, the TMC cadre have not quite lost their old spunk, as BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari, out campaigning with personal security guards and armed paramilitary personnel in tow, found out. In a scene that will be remembered, Adhikari is seen glaring at a man and shouting, 'Jai Shri Ram'. The man glares back and bellows 'Joy Bangla!'

Paramilitary forces started arriving in the state a month before polling. On 20 April, The Telegraph reported the deployment of 240,000 CAPF personnel (2,407 companies) for phase 1. To put the number in context, 288 companies were deployed in Manipur at the peak of ethnic violence in 2023.

TMC MP and former journalist Sagarika Ghose wrote in The Print: ‘The BJP has descended on Bengal like an occupying force… hundreds of helicopters, thousands of cars with Z-plus security, workers bussed in from Bihar, Odisha, Uttar Pradesh and Jharkhand, hundreds of companies of central forces and armoured vehicles of the kind deployed in active conflict zones.’

Bullet-proof armoured vehicles commandeered from different parts of the country (including Kashmir) are rolling down the roads as a ‘confidence-building measure’. Troops are marching to establish ‘area domination’.

The CPI(M) — which ruled West Bengal continuously for 34 years (1977–2011) but isn’t in contention anymore, and eager to see the end of Mamata’s ‘reign of terror’ — is not complaining. CPI(M) leader Bikash Ranjan Bhattacharya, contesting from the Jadavpur seat, welcomed the steps to restrain ‘TMC goons’. “Those who couldn’t vote earlier due to TMC intimidation will now do so fearlessly,” he said.

But Congress leader Pradip Bhattacharya questioned the need to instil fear among the people.

****

The ECI has been in overdrive ever since the election was notified and poll dates announced on 15 March. At 4.00 am on 16 March, the state’s seniormost officers — the chief secretary, home secretary, director-general of police, Kolkata police commissioner and ADG (law and order) — were removed in one stroke.

The purge continued, with as many as 483 state government officials removed from their posts and ordered to stay away from any kind of election duty. To contextualise again, the total number of officials transferred before polling in the other three poll-bound states (Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Assam) is 23.

Even replacement police inspectors have been handpicked by the ECI. “The ECI may have information that some officials are beholden to the ruling party and could influence the election, but how did it decide which officials would replace them? Who supplied the names?” asks a retired bureaucrat.

Mamata Banerjee herself has complained that the returning officer in her constituency of Bhabanipur was replaced by a state government employee from Nandigram (known to be close to Suvendu Adhikari), who refused her permission to hold a meeting in her own constituency!

The ECI has also directed that all civic volunteers and village police personnel — not government employees but poorly paid political appointees — be confined to police lines on polling day and not deployed on election duty. This is akin to RSS volunteers being asked to sit out the elections.

I-PAC, the firm working for the TMC in the state, is possibly the first political consultancy to have been targeted during an election. Raids and notices from the Enforcement Directorate and the Income Tax Department intensified in March. Days before phase 1, three I-PAC directors were summoned by the ED to New Delhi and one of them was arrested, reportedly forcing the consultancy to ask employees to go on leave until 11 May.

The SIR has disenfranchised at least 27 lakh voters in West Bengal, a disproportionate number of them Muslims and women. The ECI has bypassed electoral registration officers (EROs) in the state and made use of special observers (4 in Uttar Pradesh but 30 in West Bengal), micro-observers (zero in the rest of the country, 8,000 in West Bengal), 600 retired and serving judicial officers (not deployed in any other state).

The ECI also came up with software to detect ‘logical discrepancies’ (not found anywhere else!), without disclosing the identity of the company contracted and the basis for engaging them.

The 19 appellate tribunals, set up on the instruction of the Supreme Court to hear appeals of voters ‘under adjudication’, had heard only 138 appeals by 21 April and restored the names of 136.

A ‘straight talk to TMC’ tweet from the ECI singled out the party for allegedly vitiating past elections with violence, booth jamming, intimidation and inducement. A returning officer in Kolkata posted an equally offensive tweet asking people to keep Burnol and Boroline (popular ointments for burns and bruises) handy on counting day. No prizes for guessing who was being addressed.

There has been a flurry of never-before directives issued by the chief electoral officer, West Bengal. For instance, a week-long ban on the sale of liquor throughout the state, instead of the usual 48 hours before polling ends. There is even a directive banning house guests for two days before the election!

Most curiously, days before the first phase of polling on 23 April, the ECI announced it had added seven lakh new voters. At a time when 27 lakh voters are running from pillar to post to get their names restored to the voter rolls, where did these new voters come from?

(With inputs from Kunal Chatterjee, Gautam Bhattacharya and Sourabh Sen)

Questions are mounting over the investigation into the fire at Rajasthan's Pachpadra refinery on Monday, 20 April. The probe has been handed over to the National Investigation Agency (NIA), but it remains unclear whether the blaze was an act of sabotage, an accident caused by a design defect or malfunctioning equipment, or part of an international conspiracy.

Spread over 4,500 acres and built at a cost of Rs 79,459 crore, the refinery employs over 20,000 workers and staff.

Social media has been abuzz with reports of 10 such fires in refineries across the world over the past month. Many believe this cannot be a coincidence, pointing instead to a possible conspiracy aimed at creating a shortage of petroleum products. Commercial rivalry is another angle under scrutiny.

The mystery has deepened following claims by former Rajasthan chief minister Ashok Gehlot, who said he had consulted an Australia-based refinery expert. According to Gehlot, the expert stated that fires in new refineries are extremely rare, with technical failures typically occurring after 20–25 years of operation.

The expert also expressed scepticism about Hindustan Petroleum Corporation Limited (HPCL)’s explanation that the fire resulted from leakage of hydrocarbons through one of the valves or fringes in the heat exchanger circuit.

Conspiracy theorists have also pointed to a post on X by @Aravind, who issued a warning four days before the fire. “Indian oil refineries must take extra steps on security, and sabotage from the inside. India must step up surveillance and security. I got a bad hunch that the adversary (GLISCO_DS linked) can burn a refinery to increase oil prices for geopolitical reasons and also to derail India’s economy…

'I think anyone could have predicted if they had followed the news on refinery fires in patterns around the world. There were refinery fires in Mexico, Canada, US (two sites), Russia (two sites), Australia, Ecuador etc. one after the other in just the last 20 days or so,” he had posted.

GLISCO (Globalist-Islamist-Communist) is described as a term used for networks allegedly working to destabilise global trade and the economy. On 30 March, @Aravind had also tweeted that plans were afoot to hit the Indian economy hard. While intelligence agencies and the government’s fact-checking mechanisms did not act on these warnings at the time, the NIA is now said to be tracking the account and plans to interrogate the handler.

Investigators are also examining the possibility of technical failures and negligence by supervisory staff responsible for the plant. There is concern that lapses may have occurred due to pressure and preoccupation surrounding the prime minister’s visit to the facility on Tuesday, 21 April. Whether the fire was linked to the visit or intended to disrupt it is also being probed.

Once the primary investigation concludes, HPCL and the ministry of oil and petroleum are expected to consider engaging foreign experts from the US and the Middle East for a more detailed assessment and to recommend stronger safety guardrails.

CCTV footage from across the refinery is being closely analysed to detect any suspicious activity. Entry protocols have been tightened, and surveillance of personnel and outsiders has been significantly enhanced.

HPCL has not released a detailed damage assessment. However, officials have informally indicated that the impact was confined to a limited area. If the Crude Distillation Unit (CDU) has not suffered major damage, they said, commercial production could potentially resume by the originally scheduled date of 1 July.