Former West Bengal Chief Minister and Trinamool Congress supremo Mamata Banerjee is set to return to the streets for the first time since the Assembly election results were announced on 4 May. On Tuesday, 2 June, she is expected to stage a sit-in protest at Rani Rashmoni Avenue in Dharmatala, Kolkata, alleging widespread electoral irregularities and post-poll violence following her party's defeat.

According to Trinamool Congress sources, an application seeking permission for the programme has already been submitted to Kolkata Police. However, approval has not yet been granted, raising uncertainty over whether the demonstration will be allowed to proceed. Party leaders remain hopeful that permission will be received in time.

If approved, the protest is scheduled to begin at 10 am and continue throughout the day. Mamata Banerjee is expected to join the gathering later in the afternoon, alongside senior party leaders, workers and supporters.

The Trinamool chief has repeatedly alleged that the BJP prevented the true democratic verdict from being reflected in the election results. She has claimed that polling agents were removed from counting centres, winning positions were reversed and electoral outcomes were manipulated in numerous constituencies.

Following the declaration of results, Banerjee argued that her party had not been defeated by the will of the people. She claimed that the Trinamool Congress should have won between 220 and 230 seats but that the outcome was altered in at least 150 constituencies. She has also demanded a detailed report on the Electronic Voting Machines (EVMs) used during the election.

The Assembly election dealt a severe blow to the Trinamool Congress, which secured only 80 seats. The BJP went on to form the government with a commanding majority. Mamata Banerjee herself lost the Bhabanipur constituency to BJP candidate Suvendu Adhikari by 15,105 votes. Adhikari was sworn in as Chief Minister on 9 May. The BJP also recently won the Falta Assembly seat by a significant margin.

Banerjee has also accused the BJP government of carrying out widespread post-poll violence across the state. According to Trinamool leaders, party workers and supporters have been assaulted, party offices have been occupied or vandalised, and thousands of workers have been arrested in what they describe as politically motivated cases. The party has also alleged that BJP supporters have created an atmosphere of fear in several districts.

Speaking after the Falta election result, Banerjee used a Facebook Live broadcast to voice her concerns. She alleged that votes had been "looted" and claimed that between 2,000 and 2,500 Trinamool workers had been arrested. She further criticised the government over the removal of hawkers from railway station areas and alleged that several Trinamool party offices had been demolished.

"The law is the same for everyone. If you had truly won, you would not have resorted to such oppression,” Banerjee said.

While Mamata Banerjee prepares to lead the Kolkata protest, Trinamool's National General Secretary Abhishek Banerjee has begun a separate outreach campaign aimed at meeting party workers affected by post-poll violence. On Saturday, he is scheduled to meet workers from the Beleghata and Sonarpur South Assembly constituencies before travelling to Birbhum on 2 June to meet others who claim to have been affected by the unrest.

TMC MLA Kunal Ghosh said, “The June campaign marks the beginning of a broader effort by Mamata Banerjee to rebuild and strengthen the organisation following its electoral defeat. After holding a series of meetings with party leaders at her Kalighat residence, she is now expected to travel to various districts across West Bengal in the coming weeks.”

The Trinamool Congress is currently facing pressure on multiple fronts. Since the election, several councillors from municipalities across the state have resigned, while some Kolkata Municipal Corporation councillors have stepped down from administrative positions. Internal dissatisfaction has also emerged, with some party leaders openly questioning the role of Abhishek Banerjee in the election campaign.

Adding to the party's challenges, Trinamool has not yet been officially recognised as the Opposition in the Assembly because the required documents have not been submitted. Political observers believe the leadership is facing both organisational and political difficulties as it seeks to regroup after its worst electoral performance in years.

Against this backdrop, Mamata Banerjee's planned sit-in protest is being viewed as a significant political move and the beginning of a renewed campaign to unite party workers, challenge the BJP government and re-establish the Trinamool Congress as a strong opposition force in West Bengal.

West Bengal's new BJP government’s directives, issued ahead of Eid-ul-Adha, have caused concern among Muslim community members in Kolkata and elsewhere in the state. Police action against Muslims offering Friday prayers in public places, demolition of illegal structures with bulldozers in Muslim localities and the ban on animal slaughter in public places and without permits have caused confusion and consternation.

Animal traders, Hindus among them, have reported that sale of cows and other animals for ‘Qurbani’ has gone down substantially. Newly elected BJP MLA Rekha Patra told the media that traders must produce birth certificate of cows and prove that they are at least 14 years old.

According to the new rules framed under the 1950 Livestock Act, livestock cannot be slaughtered without official permission, while the slaughter of animals below a specified age has also been prohibited. Written approval from local authorities or the Animal Resources Development Department is now mandatory for slaughtering activities.

Minor protests have also been reported over restrictions on Friday prayers in public places. While BJP legislators defended the restriction on the ground of public interest and objected to the azaan on loudspeakers and blocking sections of the roads for prayers, people have been quick to point out that on both Durga Puja and Ram Navami, roads are blocked for longer durations and loudspeakers used freely. Rules should apply uniformly to everyone, they said.

Elected MLAs of the Trinamool Congress raised concerns about the directive and its possible impact on the community. Apparently frustrated over the party leadership’s reluctance to intervene politically, they seem to have suggested that they reach out to other political parties and leaders to put up a united protest. Some TMC legislators from the north Bengal districts of Malda and Murshidabad are said to have contacted veteran Congress leader Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, who continues to wield considerable influence despite losing the Assembly election.

Chowdhury is learnt to have written to chief minister Suvendu Adhikari, urging the administration to remove confusion and ensure that religious practices could continue peacefully within a regulated framework. In the letter, he reportedly suggested that district administrations identify designated places where traditional rituals connected to Eid-ul-Adha could be carried out lawfully and without tension. “West Bengal is a confluence of many cultures, languages and religious traditions. Every community must have the dignity and freedom to observe its social and religious customs peacefully,” Chowdhury wrote in his communication.

“Adhir may have lost in the elections, but he has not lost his network. Leaders from Malda, Murshidabad and other places still see him as someone who understands their anxieties and can speak directly to the administration,” said Sujit Chatterjee, a political analyst.

Chowdhury’s intervention was sought, it is said, because of his relatively cordial relationship with Adhikari despite their political differences. Both have shared a long-standing political hostility towards former chief minister Mamata Banerjee and, at different points in their careers, sought to politically weaken her. Despite suffering successive electoral defeats in the 2024 Lok Sabha election and the recent West Bengal Assembly polls, Chowdhury appears to have regained political relevance in parts of Bengal’s minority belt after the dramatic defeat of TMC in the election.

The new West Bengal government has made the singing of Vande Mataram in its entirety compulsory in all recognised madrasas, government schools, SSKs and MSKs across the state during daily morning prayer assemblies — a move the BJP government says is aimed at promoting nationalism and patriotism, but which has already triggered debate over whether expressions of patriotism should be made mandatory in educational institutions.

The directive was issued through an official order from the Directorate of Madrasa Education at Bikash Bhavan and circulated to all district magistrates, district education officers, the West Bengal Board of Madrasa Education and other concerned departments. The order states that approval for the decision was obtained from the competent authorities before implementation.

Under the new directive, students in Government Model Madrasas, government-aided and recognised madrasas, recognised private madrasas, as well as approved Shishu Shiksha Kendras (SSKs) and Madhyamik Shiksha Kendras (MSKs), will now be required to sing Vande Mataram daily before the commencement of classes.

In March, the Supreme Court had declined to entertain a plea challenging the Centre’s advisory on the rendition of Vande Mataram, observing that the government circular did not make singing the national song mandatory and prescribed no penal consequences for non-compliance. Calling the challenge premature and based on “vague apprehensions”, the court said there was no immediate cause for interference as the directive was advisory in nature.

TMC leader Pratikur Rehman, clarifying that he was speaking in a personal capacity and not on behalf of the party, expressed concern over making Vande Mataram compulsory in educational institutions.

“Just as we have freedom of speech, we also have freedom of worship. Since Vande Mataram speaks of worshipping the motherland, some people may have objections to it. We worship only one God, but at the same time we deeply respect our mother and are even ready to sacrifice our lives for her. The word ‘mother’ carries immense importance for us,” he said.

Rehman added that he personally had no objection to the song itself, but questioned the idea of imposing it on everyone. “I personally have no problem with Vande Mataram. But there is a reason why Jana Gana Mana became the national anthem. It was accepted as a song that people of all castes, creeds and religions could sing together,” he remarked.

He further argued that making the song mandatory could hurt public sentiment and go against constitutional values. “The song itself is not the problem. But if anyone tries to impose it on people, it affects sentiments and goes against the spirit of the Constitution. This can become dangerous for parliamentary democracy and democracy as a whole,” he said.

The order follows a similar directive issued earlier this month for all government and government-aided schools in the state. The School Education Department had instructed schools to include Vande Mataram alongside the National Anthem, Jana Gana Mana, during morning assemblies.

Announcing the decision in the legislative assembly, chief minister Suvendu Adhikari said the initiative was intended to strengthen patriotic values among students. “The singing of Vande Mataram must commence in all schools starting Monday,” he told reporters, adding that he would personally monitor the implementation process from Nabanna.

An earlier communication issued on 13 May by the director of education had advised school heads to ensure that the national song is sung regularly during assemblies so that students across the state become accustomed to singing it daily.

However, with many government schools currently closed for summer vacation, the directive is expected to be fully implemented after schools reopen on 1 June.

The decision marks a significant cultural and political shift in the state’s educational policy. During the previous Trinamool Congress government, Rabindranath Tagore’s Banglar Mati Banglar Jol — closely associated with Bengal’s anti-partition movement — was commonly performed during official programmes and state functions. Under the present BJP administration, greater emphasis is now being placed on national symbols associated with the broader Indian freedom movement.

Written by Bankim Chandra Chattopadhyay in the nineteenth century, Vande Mataram became one of the defining slogans of India’s anti-British freedom struggle, particularly during the 1905 Partition of Bengal movement. The first two stanzas of the song were later granted the status of India’s National Song.

Supporters of the government’s decision argue that the move will help strengthen national unity and civic consciousness among students. BJP leaders have described the directive as a necessary step towards reinforcing respect for the nation and its history.

Critics, however, have questioned the compulsory nature of the order, particularly in minority educational institutions such as madrasas. Some educationists and opposition leaders argue that patriotism cannot be enforced through administrative instructions and should instead emerge voluntarily.

Certain Muslim organisations have historically objected to parts of Vande Mataram, especially verses that portray the nation as a mother goddess, arguing that such imagery may conflict with Islamic beliefs. Although only the first two stanzas are officially recognised for public use, the debate surrounding the song has persisted for decades.

The issue has also generated controversy in other states in recent years. In Kerala, Left parties objected to the singing of the song during a cabinet swearing-in ceremony, while in Tamil Nadu criticism emerged after the full version of Vande Mataram was performed before the National Anthem at a government event.

Despite the criticism, the West Bengal government has defended the move as an effort to promote patriotism and national responsibility among students across educational institutions in the state.

The West Bengal CID on Tuesday conducted searches at the Trinamool Congress’s (TMC) central party office in Kolkata’s Kalighat and at the office of TMC national general-secretary Abhishek Banerjee on Camac Street as part of its investigation into the alleged forgery of signatures of multiple rebel MLAs in a letter submitted to the Assembly speaker by Abhishek Banerjee.

The searches came on a day when Abhishek Banerjee skipped a third summons issued by the Crime Investigation Department, citing his appeal to the Calcutta High Court, where a hearing is expected on Wednesday, 10 June. 

Both Mamata and Abhishek Banerjee were in New Delhi. A large CID team reached the TMC's central office at 30B Harish Chatterjee Street in Kalighat shortly after 3.00 pm. The office serves as the party headquarters and is located next to Mamata Banerjee's residence. Police personnel, Central forces and female officers accompanied the CID team, while the entire area was placed under tight security. Bus loads of CRPF jawans also accompanied the team.

The CID has so far recorded statements from 13 TMC MLAs. Three of them — Baharul Islam, Arup Roy, and Subhasis Das — reportedly disowned the signatures attributed to them on the document. The TMC officially claimed the CID team left without confiscating anything after the hour-and-a-half's search. The seizure list also indicated there was no seizure.

The team, however, was insistent that it needed to collect CCTV footage and registers kept in the office. The party also claimed that the CID team did not produce any search warrant from a court but claimed they were authorised to search the office and forced their way through. 

Former Trinamool Rajya Sabha MP and party treasurer Subhashis Chakraborty, who was overseeing the office in the absence of Mamata and Abhishek Banerjee, objected to the search and insisted that he could not allow it in the absence of the party leadership. "I cannot allow entry in Abhishek Banerjee's absence. How can I grant entry in the absence of the person who issued the letter? I have been practising as a lawyer for 40 years," he told the CID officers. The CID officers responded by saying, "We are not seeking your permission."

Once inside, CID officers conducted a search of the party office. The entire operation was video recorded. According to sources familiar with the investigation, the CID was looking for documents connected to the controversial resolution that proposed the selection of Sovandeb Chattopadhyay as leader of opposition in the Assembly.

The controversy centres on a proposal letter submitted to Assembly speaker Rathindra Basu following a meeting of TMC legislators convened to finalise appointments in the Assembly. The letter proposed Sovandeb Chattopadhyay as LoP, Nayana Bandyopadhyay and Asima Patra as deputy leaders and Firhad Hakim as chief whip.

Some TMC MLAs alleged that signatures attributed to them on the proposal were forged. Ritabrata Bandyopadhyay, the MLA from Uluberia East, and Sandipan Saha, the MLA from Entally, were among the first to publicly challenge the authenticity of the signatures. Both later found themselves at odds with the party and were subsequently removed from party posts.

Following complaints regarding the alleged forged signatures, Assembly authorities approached Hare Street police station. An FIR was registered and an investigation launched. The CID later joined the probe and a Special Investigation Team was formed to assist in the investigation.

Abhishek Banerjee, the CID holds, has been evading summons to appear for interrogation. Investigators visited his Kalighat residence on 30 May and directed him to appear on 1 June. Instead of doing so, Abhishek sought a 14-day extension. The CID did not grant the request but visited his residence on 1 June and again on 8 June to serve additional summons. He was eventually directed to appear before investigators by 5.00 pm on Tuesday, 9 June.

At around the same time that the search was taking place in Kalighat, another CID team arrived at Abhishek Banerjee's office on Camac Street and carried out a separate search there.

The CID's actions sparked strong reactions from TMC leaders. Party MLA and spokesperson Kunal Ghosh arrived at the Kalighat office during the search and said, "I came to the office for party work. On arriving, I learned that a CID team had come for investigation. We extended full cooperation when the CID approached us." It was an attempt to damage Mamata Banerjee's reputation, he said, and warned that the people of West Bengal would respond politically.

Senior TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee also arrived at the scene and accused investigators of acting with ulterior motives. "There is no rule stating that a copy of the resolution must be kept at the venue where a meeting took place. This is merely harassment in the guise of a search," he said.

Veteran party leader Madan Mitra also rushed to Kalighat on learning of the search operation. The BJP, meanwhile, accused Abhishek Banerjee of deliberately avoiding investigators. BJP leader Debjit Sarkar said repeated non-appearance before the CID raised serious questions and argued that legal processes should be respected.  

Re-polling was held peacefully across 15 booths in two Bengal Assembly constituencies on Saturday, with voter turnout reaching 86.9 per cent by 5 pm, according to officials. The turnout was slightly higher in Diamond Harbour, where four booths recorded 87.6 per cent participation, while 11 booths in Magrahat saw a turnout of 86.11 per cent.

The re-poll began at 7 am after approval from the Election Commission of India, following allegations of irregularities during the second phase of polling. These allegations included claims of electronic voting machine (EVM) manipulation, prompting the Commission to order fresh voting in the affected booths—11 in Magrahat West and four in Diamond Harbour. The final results of the Assembly elections will be declared on 4 May.

Meanwhile, tensions resurfaced in Hashimnagar in Falta, where reports of unrest emerged during the day. Supporters of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) accused members of the Trinamool Congress of issuing threats and carrying out physical assaults. In response, BJP workers staged a protest that led to a blockade of a National Highway, causing disruption in the area. However, the Trinamool Congress has strongly denied these allegations.

Police forces were quickly deployed to the scene after receiving reports of the unrest. The situation in Hashimnagar remained tense for some time, with local residents demanding the arrest of an individual named Jahangir Khan, the Falta TMC candidate, who they alleged was involved in the incidents.

Separately, officials within the Election Commission have flagged several concerns regarding polling in Falta. During the Commission’s review, reports surfaced claiming that adhesive tape had been affixed to EVMs in certain booths. Additionally, there were unusual allegations that perfume had been applied to the machines in some locations. A detailed report on these matters has already been sent by the office of the Chief Electoral Officer (CEO) to the Commission in Delhi for further examination.

Sources suggest that the Commission may consider ordering re-polling in additional booths in Falta, even after the official election results are announced.

In light of these developments, the Election Commission has also issued strict guidelines for the upcoming vote counting process. All personnel involved, both inside and outside counting centres, will be required to sign formal undertakings. These include Counting Assistants, Counting Supervisors, data compilation staff, and police personnel deployed at the centres.

State Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Kumar Agarwal warned that any errors or negligence during the counting process would result in serious consequences, including possible termination of service. He stressed that accountability would be strictly enforced at every level.

At the same time, the state administration has tightened security measures around strong rooms where EVMs are stored. Officials have been instructed to carry out inspections twice daily until the counting process is complete. During these checks, every detail must be carefully reviewed.

This directive was issued following repeated complaints about CCTV cameras malfunctioning intermittently. Authorities have now been asked to ensure that surveillance systems are fully operational at all times.

With heightened vigilance and strict oversight measures in place, officials aim to ensure that the remaining stages of the election process are conducted fairly and transparently.

The political battle in West Bengal has intensified after an FIR was lodged against Abhishek Banerjee, all-India general-secretary of the Trinamool Congress (TMC) and MP from Diamond Harbour, triggering allegations of “vendetta politics” from the party.

TMC leaders alleged that the case reflected a wider attempt by the new BJP government in Bengal to target opposition voices through criminal cases, cybercrime complaints and police action after the bitterly contested April Assembly elections.

The FIR was registered at the Bidhannagar North cyber crime police station following a complaint by Rajib Sarkar, allegedly a BJP worker, who accused Banerjee of making provocative speeches during the election campaign.

According to police sources, the FIR alleges that Banerjee made inflammatory remarks against then opposition leaders, including Union home minister Amit Shah, and delivered speeches capable of disturbing public order. The complaint also referred to comments regarding DJ music during campaigning.

Police registered the case under Sections 192, 196, 351(2) and 353(1)(c) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS), along with Sections 123(2) and 125 of the Representation of the People Act. Some of the offences are non-bailable.

Though the FIR was officially registered on 15 May at midnight, the complaint had reportedly been submitted on 5 May, a day after the election results were announced. The complainant alleged that speeches delivered by Banerjee between March and May at rallies in Maheshtala, Arambagh, Haringhata and Nandigram promoted hostility and political unrest.

TMC leaders questioned the timing of the FIR, noting that it came a day after Banerjee launched a fierce public attack on the BJP and accused the Centre of allowing post-poll violence and electoral manipulation in Bengal.

In a strongly worded post on X, Banerjee alleged that TMC counting agents had been forcibly removed from counting centres in more than 100 constituencies and claimed that Central agencies and officials had compromised the democratic process.

“We will challenge every illegality, manipulation and abuse of power through every constitutional and legal avenue available to us,” Banerjee wrote, while also expressing faith in the Supreme Court and democratic institutions.

He further alleged that Central forces remained “mute spectators” while attacks were carried out on TMC workers and offices after the results.

Several TMC leaders claimed Banerjee’s increasingly aggressive attacks on the BJP leadership had unsettled the ruling party in Bengal. They argued that his growing popularity among younger voters, organisational control within the TMC and direct criticism of the BJP had made him one of the strongest opposition voices in the state.

TMC supporters also questioned why opposition leaders alone were facing legal scrutiny when several BJP leaders, including Amit Shah, allegedly delivered highly polarising speeches during the campaign.

During rallies, BJP leaders accused the TMC government of “appeasement politics”, warned of “demographic change”, and claimed Bengal’s culture and security were under threat if the BJP did not come to power. Opposition parties accused BJP leaders of using communal and anti-Muslim rhetoric to polarise voters.

At one rally, Shah reportedly declared that the BJP would “free Bengal from fear and infiltration”, remarks TMC leaders described as coded communal messaging. Other BJP leaders allegedly called TMC workers “goons” and warned of “strict action” once the BJP assumed power.

TMC leaders argued that such remarks were equally capable of provoking unrest but did not invite similar police action. “The law appears to work differently depending on which party you belong to,” said a senior TMC functionary.

The FIR has also been linked by TMC leaders and supporters to what they described as a broader pattern of targeting opposition voices and dissenting activists in Bengal.

Many pointed to the recent arrest of language activist Garga Chatterjee, founder of Bangla Pokkho, who was arrested by Kolkata Police on 12 May over social media posts questioning the election process and alleged EVM manipulation. Police claimed he spread misinformation and made provocative statements, while civil liberties groups described the arrest as an attack on democratic dissent.

TMC supporters argued that a similar “playbook” was now being used against Banerjee and other opposition figures. They also cited the case involving TMC MLA Dilip Mondal, who reportedly faces similar allegations and is said to be avoiding arrest amid fears of politically motivated action.

The confrontation has also revived focus on the long-running political rivalry between chief minister Suvendu Adhikari and Abhishek Banerjee, widely regarded as one of the most significant internal conflicts that split the TMC before Adhikari joined the BJP in 2020.

Political observers and TMC leaders have repeatedly claimed that Adhikari’s growing bitterness towards Banerjee was a major factor behind his exit from the party.

Since joining the BJP, Adhikari has repeatedly targeted Banerjee at rallies and press conferences, accusing him of corruption and misuse of influence in cases linked to coal smuggling, recruitment scams and financial irregularities. TMC leaders alleged that Adhikari’s attacks had gone beyond normal political criticism and become deeply personal.

Party insiders claimed that after becoming chief minister, Adhikari intensified efforts to politically corner Banerjee and weaken the TMC leadership through aggressive investigations, FIRs and legal pressure.

“This is not just political rivalry anymore, this is personal revenge,” a senior TMC leader claimed, alleging that the BJP government under Adhikari was using state machinery to systematically target opposition voices, especially those close to former chief minister Mamata Banerjee.

Another party worker said, “Whenever someone speaks strongly against the BJP or exposes irregularities, cases suddenly appear. The intention is clear — create fear and suppress dissent.”

Hundreds of VVPAT slips were found about 10 km from Garulia in West Bengal's Noapara Assembly segment under the Barrackpore Lok Sabha constituency on Sunday evening, triggering political tension on the eve of counting for the state's just-concluded Assembly elections. The slips reportedly carried stamps of the CPI(M) and the state's ruling TMC, with very few for BJP.

TMC candidate Trinankur Bhattacharya accused the BJP and Election Commission of India (ECI) of undermining the electoral process and demanded an explanation, alleging attempts to favour the BJP. CPI(M) candidate Gargee Chatterjee said party workers found the slips and informed the police, alleging that officials forcibly removed them despite objections. She added that the matter would be reported to the ECI.

BJP candidate Arjun Singh visited the site, questioned how the slips were dumped, and demanded a police seizure list. He warned that if EVM counts do not match VVPAT slips, results from the booth should be withheld, alleging a conspiracy involving the TMC and election officials.

The development comes as political tensions mount across the state ahead of vote counting across 293 Assembly constituencies on Monday, 4 May.

West Bengal chief minister Mamata Banerjee has urged her party workers to remain vigilant and avoid complacency, with the TMC leadership making it clear that every stage of the counting process will be closely monitored.

On Sunday evening, Banerjee convened a meeting at her residence with counting agents, councillors and ward presidents from the Bhabanipur Assembly constituency in south Kolkata. The meeting followed a virtual session held a day earlier, where she and TMC national general-secretary Abhishek Banerjee addressed party leaders and candidates across the state.

According to party sources, the chief minister is keen to “leave no stone unturned” and ensure that workers remain alert until the final results are declared. One ward president, speaking on condition of anonymity, said, “Despite the virtual meeting on Saturday, she called us to her home not just to boost us up but also give us some last-minute tips. Though we have done homework all through the year, a last-minute revision is always helpful. TMC will form the government beyond doubt.”

However, the leader also hinted at underlying concerns, adding that the margin of victory would be significant. “The question of the margin of seats and the actual seat numbers matter. Otherwise, there might be restlessness and horse-trading after the results are out,” he said.

Bhabanipur remains one of the most closely watched constituencies in the state, as Banerjee faces off against leader of opposition and state BJP leader Suvendu Adhikari. The contest has drawn particular attention as it mirrors the high-profile 2021 battle in Nandigram in Purba Medinipur district, where Banerjee was defeated by Adhikari after alleged irregularities during counting.

Voting in Bhabanipur was held on 29 April during the second phase of the elections. Ahead of counting day, both major parties have intensified preparations, holding meetings with their respective workers and counting agents. Adhikari, too, held an urgent meeting with BJP workers at the party’s office in Bhabanipur on Saturday.

Meanwhile, concerns about the integrity of the counting process have led to heightened tensions across the state. Both TMC and BJP have expressed fears of potential manipulation, particularly at strong rooms where electronic voting machines (EVMs) are stored. Addressing these concerns, state chief electoral officer Manoj Agarwal said, “We are fully prepared for the counting process; there will be no disruptions.”

Special election observer Subrata Gupta dismissed allegations of tampering, stating, “There is absolutely no possibility of any vote theft.” He added that authorities are reviewing arrangements around counting centres, including crowd control and potential victory processions.

To strengthen oversight, the ECI has appointed 431 counting observers across the state, excluding the Falta constituency. North 24 Parganas has the highest number, with 49 observers covering 33 constituencies, while Alipurduar has the fewest, with six observers for five constituencies.

Amid the political activity, civil society groups have also stepped in. The Desh Bachao Ganamancha continued its sit-in protest for a second day in Kolkata, demanding transparency in the counting process and safeguards against alleged EVM manipulation. Demonstrators gathered on Jawaharlal Nehru Road, voicing concerns over the political climate and accusing the BJP of divisive politics.

Speakers at the protest also questioned the neutrality of the ECI. The demonstration was attended by several intellectuals, artists and public figures, reflecting broader public anxiety ahead of the results.

As counting day approaches, the atmosphere across West Bengal remains tense, with political parties, officials and citizens awaiting an outcome that could significantly shape the state’s political future.

What is holding West Bengal chief minister Suvendu Adhikari back from allocating portfolios to his ministers?

That question is being asked with increasing frequency in political circles as West Bengal enters its fourth day with a fully expanded cabinet but no clarity on who is responsible for what.

Adhikari, who was sworn in on 9 May along with five ministers, expanded his ministry substantially on 1 June by inducting 35 more ministers. Yet four days later, portfolios have still not been allocated.

Under the Constitution, assigning departments is the chief minister's prerogative. The delay has therefore triggered speculation over whether Adhikari is struggling to balance competing interests within the BJP, facing pressure from ministers seeking influential departments, or awaiting guidance from New Delhi, the RSS (Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh), or the party's national leadership.

In the meantime, governance appears to be functioning in a peculiar state of suspension. Major announcements continue to come directly from the chief minister's office. A steady stream of government notifications is also being issued. What remains unclear, however, is whether these decisions are being deliberated by the cabinet, discussed within ministries, or simply being pushed through administrative channels while ministers wait for actual responsibilities.

The controversy surrounding the Bengali film industry's technicians is one example of that uncertainty.

Thousands of technicians gathered in Tollygunge on Thursday, 4 June to protest a proposal to dissolve 26 technicians' guilds and replace them with four umbrella bodies.

Protesters alleged that the decision had been taken without consultation and that they were subsequently attacked with bricks and eggs after being prevented from holding a press conference. Several technicians claimed some of the attackers identified themselves as supporters of BJP MLA and Eastern India Motion Pictures Cultural Confederation (EIMPCC) president Papiya Adhikari. She has denied any involvement.

The episode has raised an uncomfortable question: who authorised such a significant restructuring of an industry employing thousands of workers?

In a functioning government, such matters would ordinarily fall within the domain of designated ministers. But with portfolios yet to be allocated, critics argue that politically influential individuals and party functionaries are increasingly assuming responsibilities that would normally rest with accountable ministers.

National Award-winning make-up artist Somnath Kundu voiced the concerns of many protesters. "How can 26 guilds be dissolved without any discussion with anyone? These are long-standing guilds. Do they hold no importance? Where are we supposed to lodge our complaints?" he asked.

The incident has consequently evolved into something larger than a dispute within the film industry. It has become a case study in the confusion surrounding authority and accountability within the new administration.

Several BJP insiders admit privately that the delay in finalising portfolios has less to do with governance and more to do with internal power balancing. According to party sources, discussions are continuing over how cabinet positions and key responsibilities should be distributed among leaders aligned with different factions within the party, including those associated with Adhikari himself, Dilip Ghosh and sections of the RSS.

"The BJP is trying to strike a balance between various power centres within the organisation. Nobody wants to feel sidelined at the very beginning of a new government," a senior party functionary said on condition of anonymity.

Trinamool Congress leader Pratikur Rehman pointed to another sensitive factor. "Over the years, several BJP leaders and workers were involved in fierce political battles against leaders such as Suvendu Adhikari, Arjun Singh and Tapas Roy when they (the latter) were associated with Trinamool. The induction or elevation of former Trinamool leaders continues to generate resentment among sections of the BJP's old guard," he said.

A BJP leader familiar with the discussions acknowledged the challenge. "There are workers who suffered politically and physically during the Trinamool years. The leadership has to ensure that loyal BJP cadres are not ignored while accommodating leaders who joined the party later," he said.

Opposition parties have seized on the delay to question the authority of the state leadership. "If every major decision requires clearance from Delhi, then people are bound to ask who is actually running the government," Rehman remarked.

The CPI(M) has raised similar concerns. "A state government should be accountable to the people of the state, not be seen as waiting for instructions from elsewhere," CPI(M) leader Shatarup Ghosh said.

The Left has also linked the technicians' controversy to broader questions of governance. "Technicians are stakeholders in the industry. Their voices cannot simply be ignored," Ghosh said.

Political observers note that the dispute comes at a time when questions are already being raised about how authority is exercised within both the government and the ruling party. Critics allege that important decisions are increasingly being centralised, while supporters of the administration argue that reforms are necessary to improve efficiency and address corruption. The continued delay in allocating portfolios has only intensified scrutiny.

Trinamool leaders argue that the uncertainty reflects a government unable to take independent decisions and dependent on instructions from the BJP's central leadership.

A senior TMC leader claimed, "If ministers cannot be assigned departments promptly, it suggests that decisions are being taken elsewhere rather than in Kolkata."

The CPI(M) has similarly argued that governance inevitably suffers when administrative and political responsibilities remain undefined.

The BJP, however, insists the delay is administrative rather than political and says departments must be distributed carefully to ensure effective governance and coordination.

For now, however, West Bengal finds itself in an unusual position: a government with 41 ministers, but no public indication of what most of them are actually meant to do.

It’s common knowledge that every four years, Kolkata is divided into its own Argentina and Brazil ghettos ahead of a FIFA World Cup. And yet, with the ‘greatest show on earth’ set to kick off shortly after midnight today, 11 June, the buzz is not quite the same.   

Social media is awash with photos and reels of the madness starting to build in Kerala and Goa but strangely enough, the mood is still subdued in the football city of the country. Graffiti featuring the troika of Lionel Messi, Ronaldo and Neymar is slowly appearing on walls in certain pockets of the city but the giant flags and roll-ups are conspicuously absent, as are arrangements for community screenings in neighbourhood clubs.

Fans and organisers National Herald spoke to agree that it’s not quite the Kolkata they know. Joydeep Mukherjee, a club official from central Kolkata, said: “Every World Cup, our lane becomes like a festival ground. We decorate it with giant flags, stay awake through the night for the late kick-offs and the entire neighbourhood watches the matches together with endless cups of tea. However, everything feels very quiet this time — there is interest but not the same energy.”

Echoing similar sentiments is Amit Roy, a fan. “Earlier, we used to start preparing at least two weeks before the tournament. This time, even the flags are not out properly. It feels strange because Kolkata is a football city,” he said.

It’s early days yet, what with sentimental favourites Brazil starting their campaign only in the wee hours of Sunday against Morocco, while reigning champions Argentina play their first game only on Wednesday (against Algeria). Things are expected to pick up a little by then, though many quietly blame the recent political distractions that the city has had to cope with, along with the unearthly telecast hours thanks to time differences. Not to be left out is a change in the way fans consume the games — with an entire generation watching livestreams on their phones rather than on TV.

‘’There is no doubt that the people of Kolkata, not to speak of our state, are still recovering from the aftermath of the Assembly elections. The dramatic results put the members of the erstwhile ruling party (Trinamool Congress) in disarray — and several of them played a key role in organising gigs like screenings etc. However, even if one organises such screenings, how many people can you expect for a kick-off at 3.30 am or 6.30 am?’’ a resident of Patuli on the city's southern fringes asks.

This, however, is not to suggest that the city will be immune to World Cup fever, though it could be scaled down a bit. Sanjay Majumder, a club secretary, pointed to the financials: “Putting up lights, screens and decorations costs a lot now. Earlier, we used to get sponsors easily but now, we will surely have to cut back.”

There are a few quirky characters in the city, like Uttam Saha, who lend a unique charm to these occasions. Owner of a modest advertising company, the 63-year-old Saha calls himself the founder secretary of Kolkata Argentina Football Fan Club and — believe it or not — has hardly missed a Messi game since the 2006 World Cup.

‘’You can imagine how ecstatic my family and I were when Messi lifted the cup in Qatar 2022. When most people said it was his last World Cup, I maintained that he would be playing in 2026 and win again,’’ said Saha, no stranger to media spotlight. Indeed, he leaves for the US on Sunday to be in time for La Albiceleste’s opening game.

His neighbourhood of Rabindra Pally in Ganguly Bagan, a congested area of south Kolkata, is once again decking up for the occasion. ‘’My fascination with Argentina began with my adulation for Diego Maradona,’’ Saha said in a media interview a few years ago. Ahead of the 2010 World Cup in South Africa, with Messi as Argentina’s talisman and Maradona as his coach, Saha converted his 2006 Fiat Palio into a mobile expression of his craze for the team.

The car remains stationed outside his fan club to this day, though the stickers of Messi and Maradona adorning the bonnet have long since faded. Characters like him have given Kolkata its unique character — and they are the reason the city can't be immune to football fever for long.

West Bengal witnessed a day of high drama, sharp political exchanges and emotional scenes as counting for the Assembly elections unfolded on Monday, culminating in a major upset with outgoing chief minister Mamata Banerjee losing the Bhabanipur seat to Suvendu Adhikari by 15,114 votes.

The Bhabanipur contest remained the focal point through the day, with both leaders locked in a closely watched battle. As counting progressed across multiple rounds, trends appeared to mirror a prediction earlier made by Adhikari — that he would take an early lead, fall behind, and then regain momentum after the sixth or seventh round. By the 17th round, he had surged ahead, steadily eroding Banerjee’s initial lead.

Banerjee arrived at the Sakhawat Memorial Government Girls’ High School counting centre in the afternoon amid allegations by the Trinamool Congress that one of its counting agents had been forced out. The atmosphere grew increasingly tense as rival supporters gathered, raising slogans and escalating confrontations.

As she exited the centre later in the evening, Banerjee was met with chants of 'Jai Shree Ram' from BJP supporters celebrating their party’s sweeping performance. A visibly distressed Banerjee addressed reporters, terming the outcome “immoral”. “They have looted more than 100 seats,” she alleged.

In a strongly worded attack, she claimed there had been “serious irregularities in the election process”. “Votes had been rigged and I had been physically assaulted during the day,” she said, adding that her defeat, if confirmed, was the result of coercion rather than a fair contest. Despite the setback, she struck a defiant tone, saying her party would “bounce back” and that she would continue the political fight.

Banerjee also alleged that the “EC's activities with the help of central forces in connivance with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah were illegal”. She claimed that complaints to Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Agarwal had yielded no response.

“The CCTV was switched off while our agents were not allowed to be inside the counting centre,” she further alleged.

Following her remarks, security personnel escorted her away from the premises as tensions remained high. She later left for her residence in Kalighat while counting continued.

Elsewhere, the results signalled significant political churn. In Murshidabad district, the Left Front opened its account, with CPI(M) candidate Mustafizur Rahman, also known as Rana, winning the Domkal seat by 16,232 votes, securing over 107,000 votes and defeating both Trinamool Congress and Congress candidates.

Celebrations broke out among Left supporters following the announcement, with Rahman stating that his priority would be public welfare and development.

The BJP, meanwhile, celebrated what its leaders described as a sweeping victory across several regions. Party leader Swapan Dasgupta said the scale of the win reflected broad-based support. “I believe that concerns about employment, the future of young people, and issues such as corruption and industrial decline had influenced voters,” he said.

In North Bengal, particularly in Alipurduar district, BJP workers marked their success with visible enthusiasm — distributing jhalmuri, bursting firecrackers and applying saffron powder. Similar scenes were reported in Kalchini, where supporters gathered at local crossings to celebrate leads secured by BJP candidates.

Political rhetoric remained sharp. In Panihati, BJP candidate Ratna Debnath thanked voters and promised development, while also referring to demands for justice in the RG Kar case. She said her focus would be on addressing long-standing local concerns.

Former IPS officer and Trinamool leader Humayun Kabir offered a candid assessment of his party’s performance. “Welfare schemes alone were not enough to secure lasting support and voters, including members of the Muslim community, had prioritised dignity and clean governance,” he said, while also accusing the leadership of corruption and a disconnect from grassroots workers.

Kabir also hinted at possible political realignments in the future, suggesting some legislators could switch sides — reflecting the deep divisions and intense rivalry shaping the state’s political landscape.

Describing the outcome as historic, Adhikari called it a “new dawn” for West Bengal, crediting public support and party workers for the result.

As counting continued into the evening, the developments pointed to a decisive turning point in West Bengal politics — marked by a high-stakes contest, serious allegations, celebrations on the ground, and a rapidly shifting political balance.HL: Mamata Banerjee loses Bhabanipur by 15,114 votes, calls BJP win “immoral”
Strap: CM alleges rigging, “looted” mandate in over 100 seats as tensions flare during counting

West Bengal witnessed a day of high drama, sharp political exchanges and emotional scenes as counting for the Assembly elections unfolded on Monday, culminating in a major upset with Mamata Banerjee losing the Bhabanipur seat to Suvendu Adhikari by 15,114 votes.

The Bhabanipur contest remained the focal point through the day, with both leaders locked in a closely watched battle. As counting progressed across multiple rounds, trends appeared to mirror a prediction earlier made by Adhikari — that he would take an early lead, fall behind, and then regain momentum after the sixth or seventh round. By the 17th round, he had surged ahead, steadily eroding Banerjee’s initial lead.

Banerjee arrived at the Sakhawat Memorial Government Girls’ High School counting centre in the afternoon amid allegations by the Trinamool Congress that one of its counting agents had been forced out. The atmosphere grew increasingly tense as rival supporters gathered, raising slogans and escalating confrontations.

As she exited the centre later in the evening, Banerjee was met with chants of “Jai Shree Ram” from BJP supporters celebrating their party’s sweeping performance. A visibly distressed Banerjee addressed reporters, terming the outcome “immoral”. “They have looted more than 100 seats,” she alleged.

In a strongly worded attack, she claimed there had been “serious irregularities in the election process”. “Votes had been rigged and that I had been physically assaulted during the day,” she said, adding that her defeat, if confirmed, was the result of coercion rather than a fair contest. Despite the setback, she struck a defiant tone, saying her party would “bounce back” and that she would continue the political fight.

Banerjee also alleged that the “EC's activities with the help of central forces in connivance with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Union Home Minister Amit Shah were illegal”. She claimed that complaints to Chief Electoral Officer Manoj Agarwal had yielded no response.

“The CCTV was switched off while our agents were not allowed to be inside the counting centre,” she further alleged.

Following her remarks, security personnel escorted her away from the premises as tensions remained high. She later left for her residence in Kalighat while counting continued.

Elsewhere, the results signalled significant political churn. In Murshidabad district, the Left Front opened its account, with CPI(M) candidate Mustafizur Rahman, also known as Rana, winning the Domkal seat by 16,232 votes, securing over 107,000 votes and defeating both Trinamool Congress and Congress candidates.

Celebrations broke out among Left supporters following the announcement, with Rahman stating that his priority would be public welfare and development.

The BJP, meanwhile, celebrated what its leaders described as a sweeping victory across several regions. Party leader Swapan Dasgupta said the scale of the win reflected broad-based support. “I believe that concerns about employment, the future of young people, and issues such as corruption and industrial decline had influenced voters,” he said.

In North Bengal, particularly in Alipurduar district, BJP workers marked their success with visible enthusiasm — distributing jhalmuri, bursting firecrackers and applying saffron powder. Similar scenes were reported in Kalchini, where supporters gathered at local crossings to celebrate leads secured by BJP candidates.

Political rhetoric remained sharp. In Panihati, BJP candidate Ratna Debnath thanked voters and promised development, while also referring to demands for justice in the RG Kar case. She said her focus would be on addressing long-standing local concerns.

Former IPS officer and Trinamool leader Humayun Kabir offered a candid assessment of his party’s performance. “Welfare schemes alone were not enough to secure lasting support and voters, including members of the Muslim community, had prioritised dignity and clean governance,” he said, while also accusing the leadership of corruption and a disconnect from grassroots workers.

Kabir also hinted at possible political realignments in the future, suggesting some legislators could switch sides — reflecting the deep divisions and intense rivalry shaping the state’s political landscape.

Describing the outcome as historic, Adhikari called it a “new dawn” for West Bengal, crediting public support and party workers for the result.

As counting continued into the evening, the developments pointed to a decisive turning point in West Bengal politics — marked by a high-stakes contest, serious allegations, celebrations on the ground, and a rapidly shifting political balance.

Kolkata witnessed scenes of massive celebration, political theatre and severe disruption on Saturday as Suvendu Adhikari took oath as West Bengal’s first BJP Chief Minister at the historic Brigade Parade Ground.

While BJP supporters described the day as “historic”, the grand ceremony also exposed significant organisational strain, strict restrictions and widespread inconvenience across large parts of the city.

From early morning, lakhs of supporters flooded central Kolkata carrying saffron flags, beating drums and chanting “Jai Shri Ram”. Roads around the Maidan, Esplanade and Hastings areas became heavily congested long before Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived at the venue.

Despite the swearing-in ceremony being projected as open to the public, many supporters were left angry after being denied entry to the Brigade grounds because they lacked official identity cards distributed by local BJP leaders and organisers.

Large queues formed outside multiple entry gates from morning onwards. Police and central forces conducted rigorous security checks, allowing entry only to those carrying approved passes or identification documents.

Several supporters who had travelled overnight from districts such as Bankura, Purulia and Cooch Behar alleged that they were unable to enter despite arriving hours in advance.

One frustrated BJP worker from East Midnapore said, “We came all the way to see Suvendu babu become Chief Minister, but without the party card they would not let us enter. We waited for hours outside.”

Police sources indicated that thousands of people remained outside the barricaded areas during the ceremony as security agencies refused to relax entry protocols because of the presence of high-profile VVIPs, including Modi, Amit Shah and several Chief Ministers.

The entire Brigade area resembled a fortified security zone. The ground was divided into around 35 sectors, with IPS officers supervising different blocks. Drones monitored crowds continuously while police personnel occupied rooftops of surrounding buildings.

Attendees were prohibited from carrying umbrellas, bags or even water bottles into the venue. In the intense afternoon heat, many supporters complained of discomfort after being forced to discard water bottles at entry points.

An elderly supporter standing outside one of the gates said, “We understand security is important, but people have been standing in the sun for hours without water.”

Central forces and the Special Protection Group maintained a tight cordon around VVIP enclosures, where nearly 40 high-profile guests were seated.

The scale of the celebration and the sweeping security restrictions threw Kolkata traffic badly out of gear for most of the day.

Major roads surrounding the Maidan, including stretches near Victoria Memorial, Cathedral Road, Kidderpore Road and AJC Bose Road, faced severe congestion from morning till evening.

Goods vehicles were barred from entering large parts of the city between 4 am and 8 pm. Although emergency vehicles were exempted, commuters reported unusually long delays across central Kolkata.

Officegoers, patients travelling to hospitals and ordinary commuters found themselves stranded for hours as roads were repeatedly stopped to facilitate VVIP movement.

A taxi driver near Esplanade remarked bitterly, “Today the whole city became a political stage. Ordinary people suffered the most.”

Public buses moved slowly through packed roads while many commuters chose to walk long distances after traffic diversions left several routes paralysed.

Inside Brigade, the atmosphere remained deeply political and heavily symbolic. BJP supporters danced to dhak beats, blew conch shells and shouted religious slogans while saffron flags covered large sections of the ground.

Food stalls selling jhalmuri, sitabhog and mihidana did brisk business throughout the day. However, several attendees noticed that non-vegetarian food was entirely absent from the venue and surrounding organised stalls despite Bengal’s strong culinary association with fish and meat dishes.

Party organisers appeared to consciously project a culturally controlled and devotional atmosphere around the event, especially as the ceremony coincided with the birth anniversary of Rabindranath Tagore.

One attendee commented quietly, “It felt more like a religious-political gathering than a typical Bengal public event. Everything was very carefully curated.”

While Brigade erupted in celebration, the atmosphere outside the residence of former Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee at Harish Chatterjee Street was subdued and tense.

The roads there appeared unusually empty except for police personnel, paramilitary troops and a small group of Trinamool supporters who had gathered outside her residence.

Prime Minister Modi’s arrival generated some of the loudest cheers of the day. Travelling in a flower-decorated open-top vehicle, he acknowledged supporters continuously as chants and drumbeats echoed through the grounds.

On stage, Modi first offered floral tributes to Rabindranath Tagore before performing a full sastanga pranam to the people of Bengal — a gesture many BJP workers described as deeply emotional and politically significant.

The Prime Minister later posted a video of the moment on social media, writing that he bowed before the “people’s power of West Bengal”.

For BJP supporters, the ceremony marked the fulfilment of a long political journey in Bengal. Yet beneath the celebration, the day also revealed the immense logistical pressure, security anxieties and public disruption that accompanied the transfer of power.

As crowds finally dispersed from Brigade Parade Ground, Kolkata was left exhausted after a day that combined triumph, tension, symbolism and chaos in almost equal measure.

The Trinamool Congress (TMC) is facing one of the gravest crises in its nearly 30-year history after its crushing defeat in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections. What began as quiet dissatisfaction within the party has now turned into open rebellion, with senior leaders publicly criticising the leadership, grassroots workers switching loyalties, and rumours of mass defections spreading rapidly across the state.

The growing turmoil became visible after a closed-door meeting called by Mamata Banerjee at her Kalighat residence in Kolkata. Party insiders noted with concern that only 69 of the party’s 80 victorious MLAs attended the meeting. The absence of 11 winning legislators immediately triggered speculation that several leaders were distancing themselves from the organisation.

Many party workers described the atmosphere inside the meeting as “tense and emotional”. According to insiders, several MLAs complained about poor coordination, weak booth management, and what they described as a “complete disconnect between the top leadership and grassroots workers”.

The sharpest criticism reportedly came from sections of the party’s old guard, particularly leaders from north Bengal and Malda.

Malda TMC leader Krishnendu Narayan Choudhury openly blamed Mamata Banerjee's heir apparent and TMC national general-secretary Abhishek Banerjee for the disastrous election performance. Speaking before local party workers, he allegedly said, “The party forgot its original character. Decisions were taken by a small circle, while district leaders and ordinary workers were ignored. The result is now before everyone.”

His remarks created shockwaves within the organisation because senior leaders had rarely criticised Abhishek Banerjee publicly in the past.

Several other district leaders reportedly echoed similar views during internal discussions. One senior TMC organiser from Murshidabad claimed that ticket distribution ahead of the elections had angered local workers. “Many deserving workers were ignored while outsiders and loyalists were given importance. The organisation suffered badly because of that,” the leader said.

Party spokesperson Riju Dutta also made unusually strong comments against sections of the leadership. He reportedly warned that arrogance and factionalism had weakened the party from within. “Workers who built the organisation with sweat and blood were sidelined. Some leaders became unreachable and disconnected from reality,” he allegedly remarked during a discussion with journalists.

Meanwhile, the situation worsened after reports emerged that senior party figure Giasuddin Molla had filed a police complaint against Abhishek Banerjee. Though details remained unclear, many party leaders privately admitted that such a move would have been unthinkable just a month ago.

Political observers say another major source of tension within the TMC is the growing anxiety among Muslim leaders after the BJP formed the government under chief minister Suvendu Adhikari.

According to party insiders, several Muslim MLAs elected on TMC tickets quietly contacted Congress veteran Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury and senior Left leaders. They reportedly requested them to speak with the new government regarding directives linked to animal slaughter, local religious practices and administrative restrictions in certain districts.

The development reportedly angered many senior TMC figures, who viewed it as a sign that sections of the party no longer trusted the leadership to protect minority interests. One senior TMC leader said privately, “If our own MLAs are approaching Congress and Left leaders for help, then it shows how serious the internal crisis has become.”

At the same time, the BJP has openly claimed that many TMC leaders are preparing to switch sides. Adhikari recently stated that “many elected representatives and senior leaders from the TMC are already in touch with us because they know the political wind has changed in Bengal”.

Several BJP leaders made similar claims in television interviews, saying district-level TMC organisers and panchayat leaders had begun informal talks with the saffron camp soon after the election results. A senior BJP leader claimed, “Workers on the ground have already understood that the TMC’s organisational structure is collapsing. Many are trying to join us because they see no future there anymore.”

Across several districts, reports emerged of former TMC grassroots workers publicly taking up saffron flags within days of the results being declared. In parts of East Midnapore, Nadia, North Bengal and Birbhum, local BJP leaders admitted that former TMC booth workers and local organisers were allegedly trying to switch allegiance.

Political analysts believe these defections are being driven not only by ideology but also by fears of losing local influence and administrative protection after the change in government.

In many villages, residents described scenes of rapid political realignment. “Just a week ago they were shouting TMC slogans. Now the same people are attending BJP meetings,” said a shopkeeper in Purba Bardhaman district.

Despite the growing rebellion, Mamata Banerjee has reportedly urged party workers to remain united and continue the political fight. However, insiders admit that restoring discipline may prove extremely difficult as factions continue blaming one another for the humiliating defeat.

For now, the TMC appears trapped between anger among grassroots workers, frustration within the senior leadership, and growing pressure from rivals eager to weaken the party further.

Political observers say the next few months may determine whether the party can rebuild itself — or whether Bengal is witnessing the beginning of a major political breakup within the once-dominant Trinamool Congress.