The Election Commission has announced that re-polling will be conducted in 15 booths across parts of West Bengal following allegations of irregularities during voting held on 29 April. The re-polling is scheduled to take place on Saturday, 2 May, and will cover select booths in the South 24 Parganas district.

According to officials, the decision has been taken after reviewing complaints regarding disruptions and alleged malpractice during polling day. The affected booths fall within two Assembly constituencies—Magrahat Paschim and Diamond Harbour.

In Assembly Constituency No. 142, Magrahat Paschim, re-polling will be held at multiple locations. These include Uttar Yarpur Primary School (Room 2), Najra Primary School (Rooms 1 and 2), Deula Primary School (Room 1), Ghola Nayapara Girls' High Madrasa (Room 2), Ektara Malaya Primary School (Rooms 1 and 2), Ektara Malaya Dhora Primary School (Room 1), and Bahirpua Kurkuria Primary School (Rooms 1, 2 and 3).

Similarly, in Assembly Constituency No. 143, Diamond Harbour, voters will return to the booths at Bagda Junior High School, Chanda Primary School (Room 2), Haridevpur Primary School, and Raynagar Primary School.

Sources have also indicated that several booths in the Falta Assembly constituency may be considered for re-polling as well, although a final confirmation on those locations is still awaited.

While the Election Commission has maintained that the re-polling is being carried out to ensure a free and fair electoral process, the move is likely to further intensify the already charged political atmosphere in the state. Security arrangements are expected to be tightened significantly in all the identified booths.

Central forces and polling officials will be deployed to ensure that voting takes place peacefully and without disruption. Voters in the affected areas have been urged to participate in the re-polling and exercise their democratic rights.

Meanwhile, with the counting of votes scheduled for Monday, political tensions in West Bengal have intensified, as both the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) step up their preparations and scrutiny of strong room security across the state.

The top leadership of the Trinamool Congress, led by Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee and party leader Abhishek Banerjee, is leaving nothing to chance. Both leaders are closely monitoring the situation and held meetings at Kalighat to review security arrangements, assessed reports from districts, and finalised strategies for counting day.

Abhishek Banerjee is also expected to hold a dedicated meeting with party counting agents on Saturday, while Mamata Banerjee has already issued specific instructions to them.

Since Friday morning, several TMC candidates have been visiting counting centres to conduct on-the-spot inspections. These inspections include checking CCTV footage and reviewing overall security arrangements. The party leadership has directed workers and leaders to maintain round-the-clock vigilance outside strong rooms.

Meanwhile, the BJP has been actively preparing its own cadre for counting day. Senior leader Bhupendra Yadav attended meetings with counting agents in Siliguri and Malda, describing them as “workshops” focused on organisational preparedness. He emphasised the importance of ensuring a flawless counting process, stating that every vote cast by the public must be protected.

BJP leader Locket Chatterjee accused the TMC of creating “drama”, arguing that the ruling party is uneasy because it could not manipulate the elections this time.
Concerns over the security of strong rooms have intensified across West Bengal ahead of the vote count. In Kalna, a controversy broke out after CCTV cameras monitoring a strong room reportedly went offline for two minutes.

Trinamool Congress candidate Swapan Debnath rushed to the site and lodged a complaint with the Election Commission, warning that even a brief lapse could lead to serious irregularities. He has now decided to personally supervise night-time monitoring.

The BJP dismissed the allegations, with candidate Siddharth Majumdar accusing the TMC of creating excuses in anticipation of defeat. Tensions were also reported in Egra, where TMC workers protested, alleging that a BJP candidate was allowed unauthorised entry into a strong room. Officials later intervened to control the situation.

In Kolkata, Mamata Banerjee visited a strong room late at night, prompting counter-protests from BJP workers. She later claimed that an outsider had joined the protest and live-streamed the incident.

Similar concerns emerged in Bongaon and Katwa, with allegations of CCTV malfunction and a damaged boundary wall. In response, the Election Commission has strengthened security, deployed central forces, and enforced Section 163 to restrict gatherings near strong rooms.

Political tensions are rising in West Bengal as leaders across parties make bold claims ahead of the election results due on 4 May. On Thursday, 29 April, Congress leader Ghulam Ahmad Mir predicted a clear victory for the ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC), stating that the party is likely to emerge as the single largest force in the state.

Mir, who is the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in-charge for West Bengal, argued that despite the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) putting its full weight behind the campaign, elections are not won through aggressive tactics alone. He maintained that the people of Bengal have voted with awareness and independence.

He placed particular emphasis on women voters, suggesting that they played a decisive role in shaping the outcome. According to Mir, women make up around half of the electorate in the state, and a significant proportion of them supported the TMC due to welfare schemes introduced by the state government. He added that women from BJP-supporting households may also have voted in favour of the ruling party.

At the same time, Mir openly acknowledged the weakened condition of the Congress in West Bengal. He admitted that both the Congress and the Left Front have lost much of their organisational strength in the state. Despite this, he said the Congress is attempting to rebuild itself and position as a viable “third force” in the political landscape, even as he conceded that the TMC currently has a far stronger organisational network.

His remarks have sparked speculation about Congress’ intentions after the results are announced. There are indications that the party may seek to strengthen ties within the broader anti-BJP opposition alliance. Party sources suggest that a meeting of the INDIA bloc could soon be held in Delhi, with plans to coordinate both parliamentary strategies and public protests in the coming weeks.

Meanwhile, not all Congress leaders share Mir’s assessment. Amba Prasad, who served as co-in-charge of the party’s election efforts in Bengal, struck a more optimistic note. She described the people of Bengal as highly discerning voters and argued that the Congress remains the only credible alternative in the state.

Prasad highlighted the party’s historical role in driving industrial development in West Bengal after independence and expressed confidence that it could regain support. She credited Rahul Gandhi’s leadership and public appeal as key factors that could help the Congress perform strongly. According to her, the party’s efforts under difficult conditions will eventually pay off, allowing it to re-establish itself as a serious political contender.

On the other side, the BJP has projected a sharply different picture. State BJP president Samik Bhattacharya has claimed that a “saffron storm” is on the horizon and that his party will secure more than 170 seats, enough to form the government.

Reacting to such claims, senior state Congress leader Adhir Chowdhury urged caution. He said it is too early to draw conclusions and that the final outcome will only be clear once votes are counted. While dismissing the BJP’s confidence, he acknowledged that there is significant public dissatisfaction with the current TMC government.

Chowdhury noted that there is widespread anger among voters, but also admitted that the situation remains unpredictable. According to him, the intensity of public sentiment makes it difficult to determine which party will ultimately benefit.

As West Bengal awaits the results, the political atmosphere remains charged with competing narratives. Each party is projecting confidence, yet underlying uncertainties continue to shape the discourse. The verdict on 4 May will not only determine the state’s leadership but could also influence the broader dynamics of opposition politics in India.

Senior Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders including Shashi Panja and Kunal Ghosh staged a dharna outside Kolkata's Netaji Indoor Stadium on Thursday amid rising tensions over the alleged handling of ballot boxes linked to the recently concluded West Bengal Assembly elections, which were held in two phases on 23 April and 29 April, with counting scheduled for 4 May.

The protest was triggered by a video posted by the party on social media that allegedly shows CCTV footage of attempts to open ballot boxes without the presence of authorised representatives from all political parties. The footage has not been independently verified by National Herald. However, its circulation appears to have heightened concern on the ground, with party workers gathering in large numbers outside the counting centre.

According to sources at the site, TMC leaders have accused officials linked to the BJP and the Election Commission of India (ECI) of attempting to open ballot boxes without following due procedure. There has been no official confirmation of these allegations so far, and election authorities are yet to issue a detailed response.

Dr Panja, a senior TMC leader and minister in the West Bengal government, has been at the forefront of the protest. Alongside her, Ghosh, a prominent party spokesperson and Assembly candidate from Beleghata, joined the sit-in, calling for transparency and strict adherence to electoral norms.

The developments come after chief minister Mamata Banerjee urged party workers to keep a close watch on electronic voting machines (EVMs) and counting centres, asking them to remain vigilant to safeguard the integrity of the electoral process.

Earlier in the day, Banerjee released a video message thanking voters for what she described as a high level of participation in the polls. She also expressed confidence in her party’s prospects, stating that the TMC would secure no fewer than 226 seats in the 2026 West Bengal Assembly elections.

Amid the ongoing protest, Banerjee is reportedly on her way to Netaji Indoor Stadium and is expected to join the dharna alongside party colleagues, a move likely to intensify political attention around the counting process.

Security has been tightened in and around the stadium, with authorities closely monitoring the situation. While the claims emerging from the unverified video remain unconfirmed, their impact on the political atmosphere is evident, particularly against the backdrop of continuing concerns around procedural transparency in the conduct of elections.

The All India Trinamool Congress (AITMC) has once again approached the Calcutta High Court challenging the Election Commission of India (ECI) over its list of alleged “troublemakers” ahead of the second phase of polling in West Bengal.

Senior party leader and lawyer Kalyan Banerjee argued that despite earlier court observations, the commission released a fresh list naming around 350 individuals and directed action against them. The ruling party has sought an urgent hearing on the matter.

On Tuesday, a division bench led by chief justice Sujoy Paul and justice Parthasarathi Sen permitted the petition to be filed, with the date of hearing expected to be decided shortly.

The development comes amid stepped-up preventive action across the state. The Election Commission has directed police to identify and detain individuals suspected of causing disturbances in 142 constituencies going to polls. As of two days before the April 29 phase, 1,543 people had been arrested statewide. Purba Bardhaman recorded the highest number with 479 arrests, followed by North 24-Parganas (319), South 24-Parganas (246), Hooghly (49) and Nadia (32).

The high court had earlier intervened on a similar plea, making it clear that blanket arrests based solely on the “troublemaker” label are not permissible. The bench emphasised that even preventive detention must adhere to established legal provisions and that the Commission’s powers under Article 324 are not absolute.

“Blanket orders based only on the ‘troublemaker’ label are prima facie wrong. A person’s liberty can only be curtailed by law,” the court had observed, adding that police action must be grounded in specific statutory backing.

Previously, Banerjee had raised concerns over the possible arrest of nearly 800 TMC workers. Among those detained recently is Narugopal Bhakat, a councillor from Bardhaman Municipality, who was arrested in connection with an alleged attack on a BJP leader’s residence. Bhakat has denied wrongdoing, claiming he was targeted for political reasons.

Meanwhile, the chief electoral officer has issued fresh guidelines regarding web cameras installed at polling booths. According to a notification, sector officers will supervise the dismantling of cameras after voting concludes on 29 April and ensure their secure deposit at designated centres to safeguard recorded data.

With West Bengal heading into a crucial polling phase, the escalating legal battle and large-scale preventive arrests highlight growing friction between the ruling party and the Election Commission over maintaining law and order without infringing on civil liberties.

A major controversy has broken out just before the final phase of voting in the West Bengal assembly elections 2026 with the Trinamool Congress (TMC) filing a writ petition in the Calcutta High Court. The petition accused IPS officer Parmar Smith Parshottamdas, a police observer appointed by the Election Commission of India (ECI), of holding a closed-door meeting with BJP candidate Gaur Ghosh from Magrahat West.

The drama started with CCTV footage from 20 April at the Sagarika Tourist Lodge in Diamond Harbour. TMC claims the video shows Parshottamdas staying there instead of his official residence at the IPS Mess in Alipore. They say he met Ghosh behind closed doors that night.

The party called this a clear violation of rules meant to keep elections fair. "Such collusion erodes voter trust," their petition states. They demand the court investigate why the officer chose that lodge and why the BJP candidate was there.

 TMC leader Abhishek Banerjee speaking during a roadshow in Falta on Sunday. "They thought they could sneak around in secret meetings, but I'm everywhere—in every breath of air, every leaf in Diamond Harbour," he said. "I'll drag this Police Observer to court."

True to his word, TMC lawyers filed the case on Monday. This is rare—directly challenging an ECI observer with unverified footage. Everyone waits for the High Court's orders and any ECI response.

Meanwhile, Monday buzzed as the last day of campaigning for the second phase of voting on 26 April. Top leaders hit the streets hard. Prime Minister Narendra Modi spoke at a rally in Barrackpore, North 24 Parganas, in Jagaddal around 11 am. Huge crowds gathered under tight security.

Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee held events in Bhabanipur, her home turf, and will walk from Santoshpur in South Kolkata to Hazra More in a massive rally in the afternoon. Abhishek Banerjee dashed across Ranaghat, Hooghly, Arambagh, and Maheshtala. Amit Shah kicked off with a visit to Kapil Muni Ashram in Gangasagar at 9.15 am. He then led a roadshow from Behala Police Station to Manton at 10.30 am, followed by another in Chandannagar, Hooghly.

 BJP's Suvendu Adhikari stayed busy in Kolkata. He prayed at Sheetala Temple in Bhabanipur's Ward No. 71, then did door-to-door outreach. Later, he marched from Hazra Crossing to Exide Crossing. In Ekbalpur and Ward No. 77 of Bhabanipur, he slammed TMC during a foot march. "They are losing," he declared sharply.

Security blanketed every spot. Kolkata Police Commissioner Ajay Nand issued a special advisory on traffic and crowds. Roads closed, diversions popped up, and forces stayed alert with the Prime Minister in town.

This clash highlights the fierce Bengal battle. TMC paints the ECI observer as biased toward BJP, while campaigns pulse with energy. Voters in South 24 Parganas and beyond watch closely. Will the court act fast? What does ECI say? As polls near, trust in the process hangs in balance.

In a revealing contrast of campaign styles, Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s roadshow on Beadon Street and chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s impromptu meeting in Bhabanipur offered sharply different political atmospheres on the same day. With West Bengal heading towards the second and last phase of Assembly elections on 29 April, the back-to-back events in Kolkata highlighted not just organisational differences, but also varying modes of voter engagement.

Modi’s rally, scheduled for 3.00 pm, began at around 6.00 pm, with sections of the crowd waiting in sweltering heat. Attendance was modest, with roughly 2,000 people present along the route. Police had sealed off stretches of the road, and security deployment — including Central forces — was visibly heavy. Supporters lined both sides of the street with flags and cutouts, chanting 'jai Shri Ram' as the prime minister’s convoy passed.

However, the tightly managed nature of the event stood out. Security personnel appeared to position attendees along the narrow stretch to maintain visual density. Among those present was Sudarshan Sinha, who said he had come for a glimpse of the prime minister despite not being a BJP voter. Others expressed political support: Anil Paswan from Entally spoke of backing the BJP for “development”, while Avantika Sharma from north Kolkata said she was open to political change after trying other parties.

There were also murmurs of dissatisfaction within sections of the BJP’s local base. Some supporters from Baranagar complained that long-time party workers such as Jayanta Shaw were not given access to VIP enclosures, while newer entrants appeared to receive preferential placement closer to the convoy.

“I could have watched this on TV,” Shaw remarked. Conversations among attendees also touched on electoral prospects, with some expressing strong views about potential action against Trinamool Congress leaders. Police, when asked about the presence of outsiders, said there was no clear indication, noting that many in the crowd spoke Hindi.

The gathering dispersed quickly after the prime minister’s convoy moved on, with several attendees describing the experience as underwhelming.

A few hours later, in Bhawanipore, the mood was markedly different. Around 7,000 people gathered across narrow lanes in what resembled a neighbourhood event rather than a formal rally. Shops remained open, a green carpet marked the route, and a local band played between brief speeches by Trinamool leaders. Unlike the earlier roadshow, there were no extensive barricades, and movement remained largely unrestricted.

While BJP candidates from central Kolkata constituencies — Manicktala, Chowringhee, Jorasanko, Entally and Kashipur — had campaigned earlier in the day using smaller vehicles, the Bhabanipur gathering in south Kolkata appeared to draw largely local residents. Kolkata Police maintained a visible but low-key presence, with no Central forces deployed.

Among those present was local resident Satish Roy, who said he had come to see “my CM”, adding that he would have attended the prime minister’s event as well had it been held in the area. Banerjee’s interaction with the crowd was informal — at one point, she asked aides to fetch rosogollas from a nearby sweet shop, prompting an immediate response from those gathered.

Her remarks blended local references with political messaging. She spoke about neighbourhood Durga Pujas, long-standing community ties, and religious coexistence. “BJP says I don’t allow Durga Puja, but people come from worldwide now — UNESCO gave it heritage status,” she said, drawing applause.

Banerjee also focused on economic concerns and governance. “Who has the guts to fight Central agencies like me? They’ve hiked taxes so high, people can’t afford clothes or eating out. We haven’t; we give whatever we can with limited resources. We never disrespect the poor,” she said. She alleged that BJP-linked funds were being moved in vehicles from Odisha, telling voters, “Take the money, but don’t vote for them,” and urged vigilance regarding unfamiliar individuals in residential areas.

Referring to administrative changes, she claimed officers had been shifted and warned of possible attempts to move weapons across the Odisha border. “ED works for BJP, but Bengal is with me,” she said. As the gathering grew, she instructed police to ensure that passersby were not obstructed.

Her speech also referenced welfare schemes, future commitments, and opposition to detention camps, while mentioning incidents of distress and promising accountability. “If BJP targets Bengal, Bengal will target BJP,” she said in closing, drawing a strong response from the crowd.

Taken together, the two events underscored contrasting campaign approaches. Modi’s roadshow reflected a highly controlled, security-heavy format with centralised messaging, while Banerjee’s meeting leaned on familiarity, accessibility and local resonance. In a closely watched election, these differences in style — and how they are received — may prove as significant as the messages themselves.

Just days before the second phase of West Bengal’s Assembly elections on 29 April, Kolkata’s political atmosphere has turned palpably tense. Central agencies such as the Enforcement Directorate (ED) have stepped up activity with high-profile raids, while the Election Commission of India (ECI) has deployed large numbers of Central forces and personnel. The ECI also held a meeting today, 26 April in Kolkata with police observers and DEOs of districts going to polls on 29 April.

Ruling Trinamool Congress (TMC) leaders allege this reflects a coordinated BJP effort to tilt the polls, a charge the BJP rejects, maintaining that agencies are simply enforcing the law. With Prime Minister Narendra Modi scheduled to hold a roadshow in north Kolkata today, the timing has drawn heightened scrutiny and political speculation.

The latest developments began on Sunday morning, when ED teams carried out searches at three locations in Kolkata, including Anandapur and Alipore. The raids are linked to a money-laundering probe involving fugitive history sheeter Biswajit Poddar, also known as ‘Sona Pappu’, who has been associated with illegal activities in areas such as Kasba and Ballygunge.

According to sources, investigators are examining financial links involving two businessmen believed to be close to recently arrested Joy Kamdar. Kamdar is reportedly providing information on alleged proceeds from land-related crimes and extortion being routed through intermediaries.

Officials said documents and digital evidence were seized, and further action may follow. Earlier this month, the ED had also searched the residence of a senior Kolkata Police officer in connection with the same network.

The TMC has criticised the raids as politically motivated, arguing that Central agencies are being used selectively ahead of polling. Party leaders point to social media videos released by the absconding Poddar as adding a provocative dimension to the case.

The BJP, however, maintains that investigative processes cannot be suspended during elections and rejects allegations of political interference. The proximity of the raids to the prime minister’s visit has nonetheless intensified debate over their timing and potential electoral impact.

Alongside these developments, the ECI has undertaken extensive logistical measures for the second phase of polling across seven districts. To address a shortage of polling personnel, more than 17,000 Central government employees — many redeployed from phase one districts — have been assigned duties such as presiding and polling officers.

South 24 Parganas has been allocated 6,620 personnel, followed by North 24 Parganas with 5,680, with additional deployments across Howrah, Hooghly, Nadia and other districts. The use of a large number of non-local personnel in such roles is being seen by some observers as a highly unusual step in the state’s electoral process.

Representatives of employee groups, including Swapan Mandal of the Votekarmi Aikya Mancha, have questioned the decision, asking why state government staff were not utilised more extensively. The TMC has echoed these concerns, suggesting the move could influence booth-level management. The ECI, however, has stated that the redeployment is driven by administrative necessity and aimed at ensuring impartiality.

Security arrangements have also been significantly expanded, particularly in areas identified as sensitive, including Kolkata, Purba Bardhaman and Hooghly Rural. Kolkata Police has deployed 229 Quick Response Teams (QRTs), along with 57 Flying Squad Teams (FSTs) and 57 Static Surveillance Teams (SSTs), the highest concentration in the state. Purba Bardhaman has 228 QRTs, while Hooghly Rural has 204. Each FST and SST includes central forces and a state police sub-inspector, with GPS tracking to enable rapid deployment.

Separately, a raid at a Salt Lake guest house — initiated following a complaint by TMC leader and minister Sujit Bose — resulted in the detention of eight individuals described by police as “outsiders” from Odisha and Chhattisgarh. Three were subsequently detained for questioning. The BJP has not issued a formal response on the matter.

At a recent review meeting in Barrackpore, the state's chief electoral officer Manoj Agarwal indicated that more Central forces would be deployed in phase two than in the first phase, with the stated objective of ensuring peaceful polling. However, in the current political climate, these measures have been interpreted differently by competing parties. The TMC alleges that the BJP is attempting to influence the electoral environment through institutional pressure, while the BJP argues that stricter enforcement is necessary to curb criminal elements.

Observers point to a convergence of developments — agency action in politically sensitive areas, expanded central deployment, and intensified campaigning — as shaping the run-up to polling. Political analyst Sujit Chatterjee described the situation as “pressure cooker politics”, adding, “Central might crushes state machinery, tilting fear towards BJP”.

Rahul Gandhi, Congress leader, addressed a massive crowd at a high-energy rally near Shahid Minar in Kolkata today. The event buzzed with enthusiasm as thousands of supporters gathered under the scorching sun, many spilling outside the hangar venue.

Gandhi arrived nearly an hour late from a meeting in Sreerampore, but the delay did little to dampen spirits. Heavy NSG security blanketed the area, underscoring the event's intensity. The backdrop featured a giant image of Gandhi holding the Constitution's preamble, flanked by Sonia Gandhi, Mallikarjun Kharge, Priyanka Gandhi, and Bengal Congress president Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury.

Huge placards displayed the Congress manifesto, with digital boards highlighting key promises. Reporters and cameramen swarmed the venue, capturing every moment opposite the historic Shahid Minar—a reminder of Congress's rule in Bengal five decades ago. Gandhi wasted no time launching sharp attacks.

"While Congress fights to unite India's people, BJP divides them on religion, creed, and caste," he declared. He spoke of personal hardships, saying he stood before them on bail after losing his official home and Lok Sabha membership. "Modi has hit me with investigation after investigation," Gandhi added.

He contrasted this with West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, accusing agencies of sparing her despite "scams."

"If probes against Mamataji were real, she'd be on bail too," he quipped, alleging BJP's "original fight" targets only Congress. Gandhi branded Prime Minister Narendra Modi a "specialised vote chor" for alleged manipulations in Maharashtra, Bihar, and Karnataka. He mocked Modi's "56-inch chest" and "desh bhakti" claims, questioning why he fled Parliament during Gandhi's speech against "Adani and Ambani."

On farmers, Gandhi warned Modi had agreed to sell American products in India, "deciding to kill our farmers." He accused the government of data transfers and petroleum imports needing U.S. permission. Praising true patriots like Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose, Mahatma Gandhi, and Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, he slammed Bengal's issues: cheat funds, coal smuggling, and job scams.

Gandhi ridiculed unfulfilled job promises—Mamata's 5 lakh jobs and Modi's 2 crore annually—likening them to empty jokes. He drew parallels between rapists going free in BJP states and similar failures under TMC, saying both parties neglect jobs.

"Mamata ji has opened the door for BJP in Bengal," he charged. Congress, Gandhi stressed, refuses compromise with BJP. "We are the only ones who can defeat them," he asserted. He claimed both Trinamool Congress and BJP conspired to block his Bengal visits, cancelling rallies and denying cooperation.

Repeating his call against scams, he urged unity: "In a world of hate, we must bloom flowers of love. Don't fear—Congress will win one day. "Other speakers amplified the rhetoric. Amba Prasad recited poetry attacking TMC's "syndicate raj, jungle raj, and corruption." Without naming Banerjee, she targeted a "woman in white saree and slippers," saying welfare schemes had turned people into servants.

"You won't get jobs, just bhatas," she said. "Girls' families now ask how much you earn from schemes. Mamata Banerjee should go now. Beware TMC and BJP. Bengalis resisted British rule but now bow to handouts."Rohan Mitra, Ballygunge candidate and son of late leader Somen Mitra, hit RSS hard.

"TMC and BJP share one father: RSS," he declared. He criticised TMC for failing to re-enroll voters post-Special Intensive Revision (SIR). Congress, he boasted, has a clear opposition and CM face in Adhir Ranjan Chowdhury, while BJP lacks faces in Bengal. The rally pulsed with energy.

Supporters chanted slogans, waved flags, and endured the heat for a glimpse of Gandhi. Congress positioned itself as Bengal's anti-BJP bulwark, promising jobs, unity, and a return to its storied legacy. As the crowd dispersed, the message lingered: Congress eyes maximum seats to challenge BJP's dominance.

This event signals escalating pre-election battles in West Bengal, where Congress is looking at a revival amid TMC-BJP rivalry. Analysts note Gandhi's personal narrative and local attacks could energise cadres, though seat-sharing dynamics remain fluid.

The Trinamool Congress (TMC) has increasingly relied on Lok Sabha MPs Saayoni Ghosh and Dev as two of its most visible campaigners in West Bengal, reflecting a broader strategy that combines public recognition with political messaging.

In a state where electoral outcomes are shaped not just by organisation but also by personality and emotional resonance, both leaders have moved beyond celebrity status to occupy distinct political roles. Saayoni is often positioned as a sharp and energetic youth voice, while Dev — also a hugely popular actor — functions as a widely recognised and accessible crowd-puller.

Saayoni Ghosh’s entry into politics has been relatively recent but structured. Before joining active politics, she built a career in films and television, becoming familiar to audiences in Bengal. Coming from a middle-class Kolkata background, she developed a public image that the party later saw as politically useful.

According to TMC spokesperson Kunal Ghosh, “That public image helped TMC see her as more than an actress. The party understood that she could speak to young people, defend the party in public, and answer opponents with confidence. Her appointment as president of the state youth wing in 2021 showed that the party wanted her to do real political work, not just appear on stage. Later, her win from Jadavpur in the 2024 Lok Sabha election confirmed that she had moved from celebrity politics to serious political responsibility.”

Dev’s trajectory into politics followed a different path. Already a well-known Bengali film star, he entered public life with significant name recognition. He grew up between Chandrakona in Paschim Medinipur and Mumbai, studied computer engineering, and later built a successful film career.

Kunal Ghosh said, “His family background gave him a story that ordinary people could relate to, and his film career made him instantly familiar to voters. When he later entered politics, he did not need to introduce himself. People already knew his face, his voice, and his screen image. That familiarity became a major political advantage. In 2023, Mamata Banerjee’s decision to appoint him as brand ambassador for Bengal tourism underlined how strongly the party values him as a public figure.”

A senior IPAC functionary, speaking on condition of anonymity, said the party’s use of both leaders is part of a deliberate campaign strategy. “Saayoni brings urgency, youth appeal, and a fighting spirit. Dev brings warmth, popularity, and a softer image that cuts across age groups. Together, they help the party speak to different kinds of voters. Saayoni can attract students, first-time voters, and people who want a tough political voice. Dev can reach families, film fans, and voters who prefer a familiar and less aggressive style,” he said.

The same strategist explained that Saayoni’s effectiveness lies in her direct style of communication. She is often deployed in areas where the party seeks sharper messaging against opponents and a stronger emotional connection with voters. Her speeches tend to be personal and immediate, presenting her as a confident and combative figure — a style that resonates particularly with younger voters.

Dev, by contrast, is used differently. He is not typically positioned as a combative speaker but as a figure who draws crowds. His presence alone can attract large audiences, after which the party delivers its message. “This is one of the oldest and most useful forms of political campaigning, and Dev fits it well. He can turn a public meeting into a social event. He can create interest even before he speaks. That makes him especially valuable in both urban and semi-urban areas, where star value still matters a great deal,” the strategist said.

Both leaders also benefit from being rooted in Bengal’s cultural landscape. Their association with the state’s entertainment industry gives them familiarity and relatability among voters. This, in turn, allows the party to project itself as aligned with Bengal’s cultural sensibilities while maintaining a contemporary image.

Within the party, both have received visible backing. Chief minister Mamata Banerjee’s decision to assign Dev a role in promoting Bengal tourism highlighted the leadership’s confidence in him beyond electoral campaigning. Saayoni, meanwhile, has been recognised within the party for her assertiveness and clarity in political messaging.

Senior TMC MP Kalyan Banerjee summed up their complementary roles: “Saayoni gives the party edge. Dev gives it reach. Saayoni can turn a political meeting into a charged public moment. Dev can turn a rally into a mass gathering. Saayoni speaks well to the restless and the young. Dev speaks well to the broad middle that likes familiarity and calm confidence. In Bengal’s highly competitive political space, that mix is powerful.”

Their prominence also reflects a broader shift in campaign dynamics, where recognisable faces and trusted voices often carry more immediate impact than traditional messaging alone. As a result, Saayoni Ghosh and Dev continue to function not just as public figures but as key political assets within the TMC’s campaign strategy in West Bengal.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Friday sharpened his attack on West Bengal’s ruling Trinamool Congress at an election rally in Baruipur, accusing the state government of allowing “anarchy” to take hold at Jadavpur University — one of India’s most prominent higher education institutions.

Chief minister Mamata Banerjee responded with an open letter and social media posts, calling his remarks an insult to Bengal’s youth and turning the charge of anarchy back on the Centre.

Addressing the rally ahead of phase two of the ongoing state Assembly elections, Modi invoked the university’s legacy while alleging a decline in its present condition. “The name of Jadavpur University was once spoken of with reverence across the globe,” he said. “Its foundation rested on nationalism. But today, threats echo within its premises. Anti-national slogans are scrawled on walls. Instead of studies, students hit the streets. We want learning, not chaos; empathy, not intimidation.”

He questioned how a state government that, in his view, was failing to safeguard a premier institution could secure Bengal’s future. The prime minister also referred to what the right-wing ecosystem is fond of calling the “tukde-tukde gang” — a nebulous catch-all used for alleged anti-national elements who wish to break the country into pieces (tukde) — and criticised what he described as disruptions to academic activity on campus.

Banerjee responded swiftly and sharply. In a public letter, she wrote: “Honourable Prime Minister, it pains me deeply to ask: Is this how you describe the brilliant students of renowned Jadavpur University? Year after year, it tops your own government’s NIRF rankings — a true seat of excellence. Yet you disparage it? Can you stoop so low?” She praised the university’s students for their “sharp minds and questioning spirit”, describing these as the essence of education rather than signs of disorder.

Escalating her attack, Banerjee listed what she described as real instances of anarchy. “Anarchy is bulldozers as tools of power, not justice,” she said. “It’s farmers dying while their voices are silenced. It’s freeing rapists for political gain. It’s denying the poor their rights, dividing the nation on religious lines for votes, dodging the media, and ignoring Manipur’s flames while chasing elections.”

She defended student protests as integral to democracy and urged Modi not to “tarnish” an institution shaped by nationalist thinkers such as Sri Aurobindo. “Please don’t insult Bengal,” she added.

The exchange has stirred sharp reactions in Kolkata’s political and academic circles, particularly around Jadavpur University, long associated with left-leaning student activism. Students were quick to respond. Vaishnavi Sarkar of the Democratic Students’ Front said, “No right-wing student group has ever dominated Jadavpur. The prime minister’s frustration stems from that failure.” Noel Gomes of We the Independent (WTI), a campus organisation, added, “Our students walk tall and fearless. That’s what intimidates him.”

The campus has frequently been at the centre of political debate, with protests over issues ranging from fees to national policies drawing both praise and criticism. The TMC has characterised such activism as democratic dissent, while BJP leaders have often described it as evidence of ideological extremism.

Political analyst Sujit Chatterjee said, “Modi’s Baruipur speech fits a broader BJP narrative painting TMC as soft on ‘anti-nationals’ to rally Hindu voters in south Bengal. However, this may not work. We already saw students all over India speaking against Modi and his government after what happened at universities in Delhi and elsewhere.”

With elections approaching, both sides appear to be intensifying their messaging. Modi has repeatedly targeted the TMC government on education, employment and law and order, while Banerjee has countered by highlighting Centre-state tensions, including disputes over funding and issues such as violence in Manipur. Her letter has been widely shared online, amplifying the political divide.

Analysts say the episode reflects a familiar electoral pattern. One observer noted that Modi’s remarks appear aimed at tapping urban youth sentiment, while Banerjee’s response seeks to frame the issue as one of regional pride and identity. For now, Jadavpur University has once again become a focal point in West Bengal’s high-stakes political contest.

With the first phase of polling set for 23 April and the second on 29 April, West Bengal enters a high-stakes electoral contest defined less by rhetoric and more by lived experience. Across villages, towns and Kolkata’s neighbourhoods, the choice before voters is stark: a decade of welfare delivery under Mamata Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress (TMC), or the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) promise of larger payouts and structural change.

TMC leaders have sharpened their attack by citing what they call a pattern of delivery gaps in BJP-ruled states. In Madhya Pradesh, for instance, the much-publicised Ladli Behna scheme has seen periodic complaints over delays and exclusions even as beneficiary numbers expanded.

In Uttar Pradesh, Opposition parties have repeatedly flagged irregularities in pension disbursals and gaps in job creation despite headline claims around employment drives. And in Assam, schemes such as Orunodoi — while significant — have been criticised for limited coverage relative to demand and shifting eligibility criteria.

At the national level, the BJP continues to face political pushback over unfulfilled or diluted promises. The oft-cited assurance of bringing back black money and depositing Rs 15 lakh in every citizen’s account — raised during the 2014 Indian general election campaign — remains a recurring reference point for sceptical voters. Similarly, ambitious employment targets have not kept pace with demand, with joblessness continuing to feature prominently in voter concerns across states.

BJP leaders contest these criticisms, pointing to large-scale central schemes, infrastructure expansion and direct benefit transfers as evidence of governance capacity. But in Bengal’s campaign, the TMC's argument is landing with a section of voters: that scale of promise does not always translate into consistency of delivery.

At tea stalls and market crossings, the conversation is grounded in immediacy — food, healthcare, housing and cash support. TMC’s pitch rests on continuity and proof: schemes that have reached households consistently over the years. BJP, in contrast, is offering scale — higher cash transfers, job guarantees and a broader economic reset — without having governed the state to demonstrate delivery.

Pre-poll estimates suggest a TMC advantage, with projections placing it between 184 and 194 seats, against BJP’s 98 to 108.

TMC’s strength lies in its expansive welfare architecture. Over 100 schemes are delivered through Duare Sarkar camps, designed to take services directly to citizens. Lakshmir Bhandar remains its flagship: Rs 1,500 per month for general category women and Rs 1,700 for SC, ST and OBC women, following a recent increase. More than 2.42 crore women — over 60 per cent of adult females in the state — are beneficiaries.

Healthcare coverage under Swasthya Sathi extends up to Rs 5 lakh per family annually, covering crores of residents and approving lakhs of hospitalisations. Housing under Banglar Awas Yojana, farm assistance, and education support through Kanyashree further reinforce TMC’s welfare base. For many households, these are not abstract policies but regular financial lifelines.

Newer additions such as Yuvashree, offering Rs 1,500 monthly to the unemployed aged 21-40, aim to address job distress, though on a limited scale compared to demand. Banerjee’s campaign messaging has leaned into continuity — steady expansion of benefits, more funds for agriculture, and extended health outreach.

The BJP’s counter is aggressive and targeted. Its proposed 'Annapurna Bhandar' promises Rs 3,000 per month for women — double the TMC’s baseline — alongside free transport, expanded healthcare and a broader welfare package. It has also promised one job per family, support for startups, implementation of the Seventh Pay Commission for government employees, and sector-specific pushes such as jute revival and dairy expansion.

The BJP is also foregrounding issues of unemployment, law and order, and corruption — areas where voter concern remains significant. Yet its challenge is credibility: these promises remain prospective in a state it has not governed.

On the ground, this gap is evident. Rural voters, especially women, appear more inclined towards the certainty of existing benefits. Urban voters and younger demographics show some openness to the BJP’s employment-focused messaging, but often with scepticism about delivery timelines.

The campaign has also seen familiar political exchanges. BJP leaders have criticised the TMC’s welfare model as fostering dependency, while Banerjee has framed her government’s approach as responsive governance rooted in daily needs.

As polling begins, the electoral question narrows to a simple test: whether voters prioritise proven, incremental support or opt for larger, untested promises. Early indicators suggest that TMC’s embedded welfare network continues to provide it with a decisive edge — particularly in rural Bengal, where elections are often won.

The verdict, however, will unfold over the two polling days — 23 and 29 April — when that quiet calculation inside households turns into votes.