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The government’s plans to bolster Australia’s fuel stores are sensible – but 5 years too late

News the Australian government will spend over A$10 billion to boost fuel supplies is both welcome and well overdue.

The plans announced today ahead of next week’s budget include $3.7 billion for publicly owned fuel reserves able to hold 1 billion litres of diesel and aviation fuel. They also include increasing stockholding requirements another ten days, and $7.5 billion to support fuel companies to access loans, insurance and equity to purchase and store more stock. That would mean Australia would have 37 days of petrol and diesel and 50 days of jet fuel.

Successive governments have largely been asleep at the wheel on fuel security. As the largest energy crisis on record drives up fuel prices and makes diesel harder to source, the government is frantically trying to play catch-up. Australia is highly exposed, as it now imports almost all its liquid fuels. Shoring up diesel supplies is vital, given how critical this fuel is for farming and trucking.

After the US-Iran war broke out and the crucial Strait of Hormuz closed, Australian policymakers hurriedly developed a National Fuel Security plan. Today’s announcement is the biggest so far under this plan. Previous measures include using emergency procurement agreements with neighbouring countries, underwriting emergency fuel cargoes, increasing stockpiles under new emergency stockholding powers and increasing existing liquid fuel sources.

These measures are an excellent start to bolster fuel security. But they’re not enough. Our leaders should secure more refining capacity and look for more domestic oil. They must also accelerate the shift to electric vehicles to make sure the next oil crisis passes us by.

An electric vehicle charging in a street.
Until Australia shifts to electric vehicles in earnest, fuel policy is one area governments should control. Andrew Roberts/Unplash, CC BY

How did we get here?

There’s nothing new about Australia’s insecure supplies of liquid fuels.

A fuel crisis was likely as early as 2020, as my research has shown, because of the closures of domestic refineries, the decision to temporarily hold our strategic oil reserve in the United States and a lack of domestic oil exploration and production.

Over the last ten years or more, successive governments have made the decision to rely heavily on liquid fuel imports and to let all but two refineries close. Over 90% of Australia’s petrol, diesel and jet fuel for both civilian and military purposes are imported from Singapore, South Korea, Japan and China.

Such reliance leaves Australia exposed to fuel shortages if there is a disruption to shipping lanes or geopolitical tensions, such as there is now. Coupled with this, the collapse of domestic refining has severely reduced Australia’s ability to produce its own fuel.

Even if we still had refining capacity, we would need to import crude oil to refine.

Then there’s the elephant in the room – very low fuel stockpiles. Historically, Australia has held very low liquid fuel stockpiles of around 30 days under the government’s Minimum Stockholding Obligation.

These critically low stockpiles leave Australia vulnerable – especially around diesel. Soon, it will be time to plant winter wheat. That requires fuel and fertiliser, both of which are derived from fossil fuels and both of which are in desperately short supply.

This is a significant oversight by the government, given wheat is a major export crop.

Is the new plan enough?

The government’s plan offers quick fixes. It may be enough to buy us some time. But a longer-term strategy is desperately required. Market interventions will not be enough – the government must lead.

As economic experts Yergin and Stanislaw have observed, some parts of the economy – the “commanding heights” – are so critical they should be controlled by the government and not left to the market. Until Australia shifts to electric vehicles in earnest, fuel is one of those areas.

Policymakers must take two actions in the medium-term.

One, build more refining capacity as a backup in case a fire breaks out as it did at the Geelong refinery last month – or other accident. The steady closure of local refineries in the face of intense competition across Asia suggests they may not be financially viable. This means government involvement through subsidies or part/full ownership will be necessary.

Two, secure oil to feed increased refinery capacity. It would be sensible to have significant domestic oil storage. Encouraging more domestic oil production would give us a measure of self-sufficiency in oil, a position Australia enjoyed until the oil wells of the Bass Strait began to run dry. It would be sensible to require current oil fields to maximise their production.

Time to tackle consumption

At present, the vast majority of Australia’s cars, trucks, planes, machines and farm equipment run on liquid fuels. But that could change.

This is why addressing supply is not enough. We also have to tackle consumption by progressively reducing how much fuel we use for transport.

The easiest way to do this is to electrify as much transport as possible, which will reduce the need for liquid fuels over time.

Giving incentives to switch to electric vehicles as Norway, China and many other nations have done is key. Australia has some incentives, but the shift to EVs has been sluggish until very recently.

The second challenge will be to electrify freight, whether through electrified trucks or trains.

The third challenge will be to tackle how much fuel we use on farms. Across Europe, many farmers are switching to electric tractors. The European Union is encouraging their use.

But Australian farms are often much bigger than those in Europe. Huge fields and long distances between fields and farm infrastructure, and questions over grid power availability are hurdles to be overcome. One solution may be microgrids, where large farms run on solar and charge their electric equipment on site.

One option worth exploring seriously is biofuels. Making fuels from plant oils is progressing and may well prove essential for Australia’s long-term energy security.

Sensible, but late

We should see today’s announcement as a sensible suite of measures coming five years too late. It will take time for these to become reality. That means there’s likely more pain to come for farmers and truckies as the energy shocks of 2026 roll on.

The Conversation

Tina Soliman-Hunter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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What is OPEC and how does it shape global oil markets?

Atlantide Phototravel/Getty

Oil is once again making headlines.

This week, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) made the shock decision to leave the Organisation of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC).

OPEC is network of oil-producing nations formed in 1960 with the aim of stabilising oil prices in ways that reduce competition and increase profits for member states.

In the decades since, OPEC has become one of the dominant players in the global oil market. This was evident during the 1970s oil shock, where global oil prices quadrupled largely due to OPEC-led cuts to production and sales.

But OPEC has just lost one of its largest producers in the UAE.

So will this dampen OPEC’s influence? And what does this mean for global oil prices?

The origins of OPEC

Before OPEC, there were the “Seven Sisters”. This refers to the seven Western international oil companies – Texaco, Exxon, Mobil, Chevron, Gulf Oil, British Petroleum and Royal Dutch Shell – that dominated the petroleum industry in the 19th century. They did this by controlling virtually every step of the oil supply chain, from extraction to refining to transport.

By the end of the Second World War, the Seven Sisters had gained control of Middle East oil production. They did this by forming contracts with Middle Eastern rulers that effectively gave the companies total control of their oil reserves.

Eventually, these governments got tired of being dominated by the Seven Sisters. For them, the final straw came in 1960, when the oil companies made cuts to the posted price – the price a company publicly agrees to pay for oil. In protest, four Middle Eastern oil-producing states – Iran, Iraq, Kuwait and Saudi Arabia – along with disgruntled Venezuela formed their own cartel in September 1960. And OPEC was born.

Since then, OPEC has expanded to officially include Algeria, the Republic of the Congo, Equatorial Guinea, Gabon, Libya and Nigeria.


Read more: Will oil prices ever truly go back to ‘normal’?


How does OPEC influence oil prices?

OPEC was formed with the explicit aim of setting the global oil price by regulating the supply of oil. Its goal remains the same today.

To achieve this, OPEC sets production quotas for member countries. This creates either a scarcity or glut of oil. Creating a scarcity increases profits for OPEC members while creating a glut prevents other producers – such as the US – from challenging their dominance.

In 1973, OPEC showed its power for the first time by embargoing oil exports to the US. Within months, OPEC members were able to nearly quadruple global oil prices.

The embargo drove the world into recession, leading the US Federal Reserve to repeatedly cut interest rates. And the economy of import-reliant Japan shrank for the first time since the Second World War.

However, OPEC has only ever controlled part of total global oil production. Between 1992 and 2022, OPEC production on average accounted for 40% of the global crude oil supply.

In 2016, OPEC expanded its influence by forming an alliance with Russia and nine other non-member nations. This alliance is known as OPEC+, and today controls about 44% of global oil production.


Read more: The UAE is leaving the OPEC oil cartel. What could that mean for oil prices?


Are OPEC’s actions legal?

The short answer is, it’s complex.

OPEC is often described as a cartel – a group of exporters working together to improve profits and reduce competition.

If OPEC operated in the private sector, its control of production quotas and pricing would be considered illegal. Cartels are banned because they are anti-competitive, in that they artificially control prices, stifle innovation and restrict production. They do this all while maintaining the illusion of competition.

But OPEC’s members are not businesses. They’re nations. Several American legal rulings maintain OPEC’s actions are not cartel activities and, as a result, cannot be brought to court.


Read more: When oil prices spike, where does the money go?


Is OPEC getting weaker?

Since 2000, OPEC’s strength has waned due to two key factors.

One is the resurgence of the US as a global oil power. In the 20th century, US oil production peaked in 1975 before falling sharply as the country’s oilfields ran dry.

But in the 2000s, US oil companies found a way to combine two oil extraction techniques – fracking and horizontal drilling – to great effect. This allowed the US to double its oil production between 2010 and 2020. The US is now the world’s top oil and gas producer, churning out roughly 16.5 million barrels each day. Most of this goes towards domestic consumption.

The second factor is the unpredictability of OPEC’s members. OPEC is an international organisation, but nations can and do leave to pursue their own interests.

Over almost 30 years, Ecuador variously suspended, renewed and withdrew its membership before ultimately leaving OPEC in 2020. This allowed it to increase domestic oil production, free of OPEC’s production quotas.


Read more: The end of oil? As fuel shocks cascade, 53 nations gather to plan a fossil fuel phaseout


Qatar quit in 2019 to concentrate on gas exports, but Qatar’s exit may be construed as a response to OPEC’s waning influence. Its dominance in gas rather than oil may also be a factor.

The UAE has become the latest deserter. Its government now intends to increase oil production, free of its OPEC obligations. However, analysts view the UAE’s decision as a sign of growing rifts between Gulf nations. And the ongoing US-Iran war has only heightened tensions.

The UAE’s exit is a major blow to OPEC’s influence. In today’s volatile world, other OPEC members may also consider quitting the organisation. But only time will tell if that decision is a brave or foolhardy one.

The Conversation

Tina Soliman-Hunter does not work for, consult, own shares in or receive funding from any company or organisation that would benefit from this article, and has disclosed no relevant affiliations beyond their academic appointment.

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